Cowpens in Miniature 14

Part 14: The Militia Line

Previous: Fighting on the Skirmish Line

Next: Attack on the Main Line

The American skirmishers fell back as the British advanced and took up new positions with the militia line. British historian David Stewart thought that the British were “running;” probably they advanced at the quick step.

Now the men on the militia line steeled themselves for their assigned mission, one massive, lethal blast, delivered at close range. A single shot, fired too soon, had the possibility of triggering a premature volley. Thomas Young on horseback behind these men remembered that “Every officer was crying don't fire! for it was a hard matter for us to keep from it.”

The British Attack the Militia Line. 1 = Continental Light Dragoons, 2 = Mounted Militia, 3 = Right Wing of the Main Line, 4 = Continental Infantry, 5 = Left Wing of the Main Line, 6 = Right Wing of the Militia Line, 7 = Left Wing of the Militia Line, 9 = British Front Line, 10 = Captain David Ogilvie's Company, 11 = British Mounted Vanguard, 12 = 17th Light Dragoons, 13 = 71st Foot, 14 = British Legion Dragoon Reserve.

"Make Ready!"

"Fire!"

At last, the order was given. Henry Lee wrote that “The enemy, shouting, rushed forward upon the front line, which retained its station, and poured in a close fire.” Fellow American historian William Moultrie thought that the Americans waited “till the enemy came within fifty yards.” Stewart gave the distance as “thirty or forty paces.”

Daniel Morgan wrote that “The whole of Col. Pickens' command then kept up a fire by regiments.” Hammond’s South Carolinians, Cunningham’s Georgians, McDowell’s North Carolinians, and the several small battalions under Brandon, Thomas, and Roebuck all let loose within moments of each other. Thomas Young remembered this as “a whole volley.”

At some point the British fired at the militia as well. William Moultrie noted that the British “threw in a heavy fire upon the militia” before the front-line militia fired. In Stewart’s history, however, they fired second and did so without “vivacity or impression.”

British casualties in this exchange were in all likelihood heavy [see Note 1]. Some losses also occurred among the militia [see Note 2].

In the immediate aftermath, the British had the advantage: they were armed with bayonets while the Americans were not. Private James Collins remembered that “We gave the enemy one fire, when they charged us with their bayonets; we gave way and retreated for our horses” [see Note 3]. Lieutenant-Colonel John Eager Howard, watching the fighting from the main line saw that the British “rushed with bayonets upon the militia who had not time, especially the riflemen to fire a second time.” This is exactly what Morgan had expected. “The whole of Col. Pickens' command then… [began] retreating agreeably to their orders.”

The statements by Collins, Howard, Morgan, and others all imply that the militia quickly retreated, keeping ahead of British bayonets. However, the fighting on the front line may not have been of a single character, and there was perhaps at least one place where the British and Americans entered into close combat. On the left wing of the front line, Captain John Irby recalled that militiaman “Richard Griffin was wounded… by a bayonet in his left thigh by the Enemy and he [the British soldier] would have killed him [Griffin] had he not been shot down by… the Ensign of the Company” [see Note 4].

Thomas Young noted that the militia had “fought for some time, and retreated again.” Once again, the mounted militia interposed between the advancing British and the retreating Americans. Young stated, “I recollect well that the cavalry was twice, during the action, between our army and the enemy.” They did not, however, come to blows with the British infantry. Private William Neel of Virginia was disappointed, observing that “At this battle the South Carolina mounted militia under Colo Brannon proved very defective in the commencement of the action” [see Note 5].

Notes:

1. American participants, somewhat surprisingly, did not comment on the effects of this volley. Statements indicating heavy British casualties at this point in the battle appeared only in postwar histories.

David Stewart asserted that the British front line was “exhausted by running… it received the fire of the enemy at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The effect of the fire was considerable: it produced something like a recoil, but not to any extent. The fire was returned, but not with vivacity or impression; and it continued ten or twelve minutes in a state of balance, both parties keeping their ground. The light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were repulsed with loss- The action making no progress, the Highlanders were ordered up; and, rapidly advancing in charge, the enemy's front line moved off precipitately.”

William Johnson claimed that “At the assigned distance they [the militia] delivered their fire with unerring aim, and it was the magnanimous confession of a gallant officer of the Maryland line who fought on this day, ‘that here the battle was gained.’ The killed and wounded of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers who lay on the field of battle where the fire of the riflemen Was delivered, and the high proportion which the killed and wounded of this description bore to the whole number, sufficiently justified the assertion.”

Neither of these histories is terribly reliable (see Flight of the Militia - Part 1 for my treatment of Johnson). Stewart claimed that the fighting on the militia line was prolonged. However, participant accounts, both British and American, indicate that the militia retreated quickly. Stewart has the 71st Foot breaking the deadlock on the militia line. Others generally indicate that the 71st entered the fighting at a later point in the battle. The quotation that Johnson supplies from an anonymous Maryland officer is believable, but it is not clear what it indicates. The statement surely means that for once the militia did their assigned duty and this was instrumental in the American victory (no doubt the officer had the battle of Camden in mind for comparison). Whether or not Johnson’s description also indicates that the front-line militia inflicted heavy casualties is less clear.

The British casualties I’ve indicated for this moment in the battle (3 miniatures; these will be more clearly visible in future images) are modest compared with the losses suggested by Stewart's and Johnson's histories. I arrived at this number first by making an estimate of total British casualties and second by dividing those casualties across the various phases of the battle in a manner that is primarily consistent with participant statements (and, to a lesser extent, later histories). There are other points in the battle at which the British received a greater volume of fire and for which heavy British casualties are more strongly indicated. Even if this one volley was particularly well aimed, it is difficult to see how it could have inflicted many more casualties, for example, than the British received in advancing on the Continentals. About as many men fired at the British on the main line as did on the militia line. However, the militia were only able to deliver a single volley, while the main line fired repeatedly.

2. It is quite likely that the militia suffered considerably fewer casualties than the British, despite being outnumbered. From Lexington and Concord until the final battles of the war, American sources spoke disparagingly about the accuracy of British musket fire. Many militiamen also likely stooped low to the ground or stood behind trees as a means of protecting themselves. Casualties, however, did occur. Lawrence Babits reviewed and cited pension applications from former militiamen that strongly imply they were shot on the militia line.

3. Collins' statement was given special consideration in a previous post. See Flight of the Militia - Part 3.

4. Babits placed Irby in Hayes’ regiment. However, in reviewing the composition of Hayes’ regiment, I noted that participant accounts do not appear to link Irby’s company with Hayes’ regiment (see Little River Regiment). Rather, Irby appears to have commanded a company of Georgia Refugees and as such likely served with Captain Samuel Hammond and Major John Cunningham on the left wing of the militia line. Griffin was from Georgia. It’s not clear that this passage refers to an incident that took place at this time during the battle. Also possible (but in my view less likely) is that Griffin was wounded during the American counterattack late in the battle.

5. Colonel Thomas Brandon did not command the mounted militia. However, Young links Brandon with the mounted militia at a later point in the battle, and Captain Benjamin Jolly, who commanded one of the two companies of mounted militia, was in Brandon’s regiment.

Sources:

David Stewart's 1825 Sketches... of the Highlanders of Scotland

John Moncure's online history of the battle, The Cowpens Staff Ride and Battlefield Tour, has a transcription of the statement by Young, Collins, and Howard, among other sources.

Henry Lee's 1812 Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States

William Moultrie's 1802 Memoirs of the American Revolution

James Graham's (1856) The Life of General Daniel Morgan has a copy of Morgan's report.

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Richard Griffin (which contains the statement by Irby) (.pdf file).

C. Leon Harris transcribed the pension application of William Neel (.pdf file).

Lawrence Babits' A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens is available through amazon.com.

Related: The Militia Line: Composition and Organization, The Cowpens Battlefield, Mounted Militia

Cowpens in Miniature 13

Part 13: Fighting on the Skirmish Line

Previous: "Bring on the Battle"

Next: The Militia Line

Private John Savage’s shot rang across the battlefield. The other skirmishers Morgan had sent forward were also in range of the British line and, according to Major Joseph McJunkin, “In a few moments the fire is general.” The American commander, Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan, stated that the skirmishers “gave them [the British] a heavy and galling fire.”

The British commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Banastre Tarleton, responded to the American gunfire by hurrying up the remainder of this deployment and ordering his forces to advance. Tarleton, however, didn’t mention that his men were under fire. He gave as the reason why “he hurried the formation of his troops” was that he was “gratified with the certainty of battle” and “prone to presume on victory.”

Under rifle fire, the 7th Foot and remaining British light infantry formed into line. Major George Hanger learned that “While Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton was reconnoitering the enemy on his right, a scattering fire commenced by some recruits of the 7th, who had but newly joined their regiment, and seen no service.” These men couldn’t help but fire back at their tormentors, even though the Americans were still out of range. Hanger asserted that “This unsteady behaviour he [Tarleton] silenced to the utmost of his power, and then led the line to action” [see Note 1].

Fighting on the Skirmish Line (two views; click to enlarge). Shots are fired by the American skirmishers as the British complete their deployment. Some men of the 7th Foot fire in response.

Because the British left and right deployed at different times and with different degrees of difficulty, a range of opinions formed about the propriety of Tarleton’s decision to advance at this moment. Lieutenant Roderick Mackenzie of the 71st Foot light infantry complained that, “Without the delay of a single moment, and in despite of extreme fatigue, the light-legion infantry and fusiliers were ordered to form in line.” However, Major Hanger, who knew many of those in the battle, learned that “Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton did halt the troops for near half an hour, and made them throw of their knapsacks and blankets to render them lighter for action.”

American sources likewise offer varying descriptions of when the British advance began. As has already been noted, Lieutenant Thomas Anderson of the Delaware Continentals remembered a prolonged wait before the British advance began. However, Private James Collins of South Carolina recalled that the British “halted for a short time, and then advanced rapidly, as if certain victory.” Cavalryman James Kelly echoed Mackenzie when he stated that the British “hardly got formed before Tarlton made his charge.”

The beginning of the British attack was an auspicious moment remembered by a number of participants. Lieutenant Anderson wrote in his journal that the British “about Sunrise… began the attack by the Discharge of two pieces of cannon and three Huzzas advancing briskly On our rifle men that Was posted in front.”

Morgan, who had remained with the militia after sending the skirmishers forward observed that “their whole line moved on with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced.” Thomas Young, who was nearby with the mounted militia, also watched the advance. “About sun-rise, the British line advanced at a sort of trot, with a loud halloo. It was the most beautiful line I ever saw. When they shouted, I heard Morgan say, "They gave us the British halloo, boys, give them the Indian halloo, by G_"; and he galloped along the lines, cheering the men, and telling them [the men on the militia line] not to fire until we could see the whites of their eyes.”

The two British cannon were lined up with the gap between the wings of front-line American militia. Their fire was directed not at the thin line of militia, but rather at the large block of Continentals further down field. Their fire does not seem to have been particularly accurate, for there is little evidence that the Continentals suffered from cannon fire. Instead, the British round shot flew over or past the Continentals, affecting the Continental light dragoons posted in reserve.

Thomas Young noted “the British line advanced under cover of their artillery… it opened so fiercely upon the centre, that Col. Washington moved his cavalry from the centre towards the right wing” [see Note 2]. This move placed the American cavalry on lower ground and placed the crest of the foremost ridge between the dragoons and the British guns.

The British advanced “in as good a line as troops could move at open files,” according to Tarleton. As they did so, the American skirmishers fell back, preventing the British from getting into range. Thomas Young recalled that “After the first fire [i.e., the first fire after the British began their attack], the militia retreated, and the cavalry covered their retreat.” The mounted militiamen were on hand to protect the skirmishers from a sudden dash by the British cavalry, but as this did not occur, they merely escorted the skirmishers back towards the militia line.

The skirmishers meanwhile kept “up a warm fire… [while] gradually retreating,” according to Major James Jackson. Sergeant-Major William Seymour thought that the militia “stood very well for some time.” His superior, Lieutenant Thomas Anderson, was also impressed. “[The riflemen] Fought Well Disputing the ground that Was between them and us, Flying from One tree to another” [see Note 3]. Private John Thomas of Virginia thought that these militiamen fired, in total, “five rounds.”

The British Attack the Skirmishers. 1 = Continental Light Dragoons, 2 = Mounted Militia, 3 = Right Wing of the Main Line, 4 = Continental Infantry, 5 = Left Wing of the Main Line, 6 = Right Wing of the Militia Line, 7 = Left Wing of the Militia Line, 8 = American Skirmishers, 9 = British Front Line, 10 = Captain David Ogilvie's Company, 11 = British Mounted Vanguard, 12 = 17th Light Dragoons, 13 = 71st Foot, 14 = British Legion Dragoon Reserve.


The Skirmish Line Retreats (two views; click to enlarge). The American skirmishers fire their finals shots as the British advance on the militia line.

Henry Lee wrote that the skirmishers, after “preserving a desultory well-aimed fire… fell back to the front line, to range with it and renew the conflict.” There, they “arrayed with Pickens” [see Note 4]. Watching from the main line, Private William Neel of Virginia saw that the militia, “broke in the centre.” Neel did not realize that the Americans were merely following orders. According to Morgan, the skirmishers under “McDowall and Cunningham… retreated to the regiments intended for their support.” This meant that the men under McDowell and Cunningham took up positions on the right and left wing of the militia line, respectively, leaving a gap between them [see Note 5].

As for the mounted militia, Thomas Young noted that when the militia “were again formed… we retired to the rear,” meaning to a new station behind the militia line. Once again, the mounted militia were expected to cover their comrades when they retreated.

Notes:

1. Hanger provided most detail about this incident. There are subtle differences between Tarleton's and Hanger's versions. Tarleton's account implies that the 7th stopped to fire at the skirmishers after the British attack began. Tarleton also did not claim to have personally stopped the recruits from firing.

2. This statement serves as another indication that there was relatively thin tree cover on the battlefield.

3. With a gap between the two wings of the militia line directly in front of the Continentals, these skirmishers were in fact the only militia troops between them and the British.

4. Most participant accounts of the battle do not distinguish between the front-line militia and the skirmishers, but rather indicate that there was only one militia line. This is a very strong indication that the skirmishers served double duty. All of the British accounts (Tarleton, Hanger, Mackenzie, Cornwallis, Stewart, Chesney) are of this view. Descriptions of skirmishers that were in some sense distinct from the militia line appear principally in Morgan, and the detailed participant accounts by McJunkin and Young, and in reliable postwar histories by nonparticipants, like Lee and Moultrie.

The strongest contraindicative statement is by Major Joseph McJunkin, who wrote that “The sharpshooters fall behind Pickens.” This could mean that the skirmishers (or at least the group with McJunkin) did not participate in the militia line fighting. Alternatively, he may have meant only that the skirmishers stopped retreating only when they cleared the militia line; there they could reload their rifles in peace.

5. There is no reason why the gap built into the militia line would also have been present on the skirmish line. Indeed, a position in front of the gap between the two wings of the militia line was an ideal place for the skirmishers to fight. From there they could retreat to their comrades without obstructing their comrades’ view of the enemy.

Sources:

This issue (.pdf file) of The Southern Campaigns of the American Revolution magazine includes an article by Will Graves that provides a complete treatment of McJunkin's statements.

James Graham's (1856) The Life of General Daniel Morgan has a copy of Morgan's report, and a copy of Jackson's letters.

A transcription of William Seymour's journal can also be found on this Battle of Camden website.

Marg Baskin's Banastre Tarleton website has a transcription of Tarleton's, Mackenzie's, and Hanger's accounts of the battle.

John Moncure's online history of the battle, The Cowpens Staff Ride and Battlefield Tour, has a transcription of the statement by Anderson, Collins, Young, Thomas, and Neel, among other sources.

C. Leon Harris transcribed the pension application of James Kelly (.pdf file).

Henry Lee's 1812 Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States

A transcription of Lieutenant-General Charles Cornwallis' statement about the battle can be found here.

David Stewart's 1825 Sketches... of the Highlanders of Scotland

The Journal of Alexander Chesney

William Moultrie's 1802 Memoirs of the American Revolution

Related: The American Skirmishers, The Militia Line: Composition and Organization, Who Did John Savage Shoot?

Cowpens in Miniature 12

Part 12: "Bring on the Battle"

Previous: The British Deploy

Next: Fighting on the Skirmish Line

The Americans watched in awe as the light infantry and British Legion infantry deployed into line and marched forward. Behind this leading edge of the British advance they could see a large column of infantry, artillery, and cavalry.

Private James Collins who was with the front line militia, remembered when “the enemy came into full view. The sight, to me at least, seemed somewhat imposing.”

Although behind the militia, the Continentals could also see the British advance [see Note 1].

Private Henry Wells of Delaware remembered that “At the onset we were much alarmed by the Superiority of the Enemy in numbers.” However, Morgan was with them, and when he spoke, his “powerful and trumpetlike voice… drove fear from every bosom, and gave new energies to every arm.”

Meanwhile, Tarleton had determined on a plan of attack. So far he had advanced his light infantry, British Legion infantry, and one cannon. Together, these units covered a little over half the width of the American front line. He gave orders for the next regiment in column (the 7th Foot) and the cannon behind it to complete the front line. In his words, “the 7th regiment was commanded to form upon the left of the legion infantry, and the other three-pounder was given to the right division of the 7th.”

Tarleton also had on hand the two troops of dragoons he had dispatched to reinforce the advance guard on the approach to Cowpens. He ordered these troops to support the front line. “A captain, with fifty dragoons was placed on each flank of the corps, who formed the British front line, to protect their own, and threaten the flanks of the enemy.”

Other commands were issued bringing forward the 1st battalion of the 71st Foot, and his remaining mounted forces, which would constitute the British reserve.

Tarleton knew little more about the battlefield than what he was able to see from horseback, riding across the front of the American position. However, there was no need to perform a turning movement across unfamiliar terrain. The American force to his immediate front was less than formidable. Tarleton therefore deployed his front-line infantry on a line that more-or-less matched in width that of the American militia. His men were deployed in open order in two ranks; this formation facilitated movement through wooded terrain and would keep casualties relatively low. It also enabled him to keep a large part of his force in reserve.

Tarleton later complemented himself on how well the deployment proceeded. “The disposition was planned with coolness, and executed without embarrassment.”

According to Lieutenant Thomas Anderson of Delaware, the British deployment did not meet with resistance because “We had no artillery to annoy them and the Genl not thinking it prudent to advance from the ground [on which] We had form'd,” Instead, according to Lee, Morgan “waited in stern silence for the enemy.”

In fact, the British deployment was impeded, but by the terrain rather than by the Americans. To complete the British line, the 7th Foot had to advance cross relatively low, boggy ground, away from the road [see Note 2]. Tarleton also directed that his reserve infantry “The 1st battalion of the 71st… extend a little to the left of the 7th regiment, and to remain one hundred and fifty yards in the rear.” The 71st Foot marched into this even lower, boggier ground that possibly was, unlike other parts of the battlefield, covered with underbrush. Lieutenant Roderick Mackenzie recorded that “The seventy-first regiment… who had not as yet disentangled themselves from the brushwood with which Thickelle Creek abounds [see Note 3], were directed to form [i.e., form a line behind the 7th Foot], and wait for orders.”

Morgan and Anderson watched the stationary British front line, perhaps not realizing the difficulties that were occurring with the final stage of their deployment (the British left flank was screened from their view by the crest of the ridge in front). Anderson recalled only that “We [the British and Americans] look'd at each other for a Considerable time.” Morgan may not have had artillery to harass the British, but he did have an abundance of long-ranged riflemen. Taking advantage of the failure of the British to mount an immediate attack, he seized the initiative. Morgan reported that, “The [British] disposition of battle being thus formed, small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy.” Private John Thomas of Virginia noted that, “Gel. Morgan then rode down to the rifle men and gave them orders to fire.”

Major Joseph McJunkin and the South Carolinians on the right wing of the militia line anxiously watched as “Tarleton [was] marching up and filing [his troops] to the right and left, [until they were] formed in battle assay” [see Note 4]. General Morgan then rode up to them and asked “‘Boys, who will bring on the battle?’” According to McJunkin, “Col. Farr [Lieutenant-Colonel William Farr] & Major McJunkin stepped out.” These two commanders then turned to their men and asked, “‘Boys, who will go with us’.” Then “others stepped out until Morgan said there were enough, & said ‘Go & bring on the action & if you are pressed, retreat, & come in on our flank.’”

Morgan also visited McDowell’s North Carolinians and Cunningham’s Georgians and made a similar request [see Note 5].

In the rear of the American position, Lieutenant-Colonel William Washington, observing the skirmishers advance, sent his mounted militia forward to cover them [see Note 6].

The Americans strode forward. Soon there was, according to McJunkin, “a corps of picked riflemen [see Note 7]… scattered in loose order along the whole front” “at a distance of 150 yards” in front of the militia line. At that distance they could fire on the British with impunity [see Note 8].

The British Deploy for Battle. 1 = Continental Light Dragoons, 2 = Mounted Militia, 3 = Right Wing of the Main Line, 4 = Continental Infantry, 5 = Left Wing of the Main Line, 6 = Right Wing of the Militia Line, 7 = Left Wing of the Militia Line, 8 = American Skirmishers, 9 = British Front Line (including two three-pounders), 10 = Captain David Ogilvie's Company, 11 = British Mounted Vanguard, 12 = 17th Light Dragoons, 13 = 71st Foot, 14 = British Legion Dragoon Reserve.

In moving forward, the group of South Carolinians with Farr and McJunkin headed directly toward the still-deploying left-flank of the British line. This group was not well remembered after the battle [see Note 9]. However, they soon would play an important role. These men watched, according to McJunkin, as “the red coats stream before the eyes of the militia. A column marches up in front of Brandon's men [i.e., the South Carolinians] led by a gayly dressed officer on horseback.” This column was either the 7th Foot or the two companies of light infantry assigned to cover the left flank (see Who Did John Savage Shoot?).

According to Thomas Young: This “British Officer rode up towards the advance guard of Morgan's Army [i.e,. the skirmishers] & calling them in a loud voice "dam’d Rebels," ordered them to disperse.”

McJunkin stated that then, “The word passes along the line, "Who can bring him down?" John Savage looked Col. Farr [Lieutenant-Colonel William Farr] full in the face and read yes in his eye. He darted a few paces in front, laid his rifle against a sapling, a blue gas streamed above his head, the sharp crack of a rifle broke the solemn stillness of the occasion and a horse without a rider wheeled from the front of the advancing column” [see Note 10].

Young believed the same thing [see Note 11]. “John Savage instantly raised his rifle & fired & the British Officer fell from his horse mortally wounded.” Thus, “John Savage fired the first gun in this battle.” Or at least, the first gunshot after the two armies had deployed.

Notes:

1. This point confirms that the tree cover on the battlefield was thin. See Cowpens Battlefield in Miniature.

2. See Alexander Chesney's Rivulet.

3. Mackenzie was mistaken that the men of the 71st were near Thicketty Creek (which was some miles distant), but there still may have been some kind of watercourse in this area. Perhaps he mentioned Thicketty Creek because it was the one local watercourse whose name he heard.

4. In my recreation of the American deployment I placed these South Carolinians a short distance behind the crown of the ridge on which they were placed. I am uncertain whether they would have been able to see, from this position, the British deployment. Some officers, perhaps including McJunkin, were on horseback, which would have helped. However, privates like James Collins also recalled seeing the British deployment. Perhaps the angle of the American militia line should be one that better conforms to the crown of this ridge.

5. Several participant accounts indicate that a portion of McDowell’s battalion was in this force. For example, Richard Crabtree of McDowell’s battalion remembered that “Captain McDowell & his company of which applicant was one was ordered out to meet General Tarleton & bring on the action, this action commenced early in the morning.” Likewise, Richard Swearingen of McDowell’s battalion stated “he was one of the Company who first fired.”

The clearest statement of Cunningham’s involvement is found in Morgan’s report of the battle. Speaking of the entire battalion of Georgians, Major James Jackson wrote in a letter to Morgan that, “The detachment was small; but… you placed them in front of the whole.” This language suggests that all of Cunningham’s men were deployed as skirmishers.

6. This deployment proved to be of minor consequence, and only two participant accounts mention it (those of Thomas Young and William Neel). The key passages from their statements will be quoted in upcoming posts. Young did not specify which American cavalry units were involved; Neel referred only to mounted militia.

7. The skirmishers were not exactly individually handpicked. McJunkin’s account indicates that the skirmishers from his regiment were volunteers. Statements relating to the Georgian and North Carolina skirmishers suggest at least company-sized detachments were sent forward.

8. The skirmishers were in range of the British but the British were not in range of the skirmishers. The skirmishers’ rifles had a much longer range than did the British regulars’ muskets. Lawrence Babits’ A Devil of a Whipping provides an insightful examination of the weapon abilities of contemporary rifles and muskets.

9. Colonel Henry Lee wrote in his history that these skirmishers were only, “Two light parties of militia, under Major M'Dowel, of North Carolina, and Major Cunningham, of Georgia.” Lee thought they had “orders to feel the enemy as he approached.” This would seem to have been the role fulfilled earlier by Inman’s vedettes. McJunkin’s statement suggests that the role of the skirmishers was to provoke, disrupt, and injure the British.

10. According to Young, Lieutenant-Colonel Farr did not directly indicate that Savage should fire. Rather when Farr “was riding to and fro, along the lines… he saw Savage fix his eye upon a British officer; he [Savage] stepped out of the ranks, raised his gun-fired, and he [Farr] saw the officer fall.

11. Young was nearby, but not immediately present. He specifically said “I have heard old Col. Fair [Farr] say often, that he believed John Savage fired the first gun in this battle,” and that “John Savage, in my opinion fired the first gun at the Battle of the Cowpens.”

Sources:

John Moncure's The Cowpens Staff Ride and Battlefield Tour webpage has a transcription of the statement by Collins, Anderson, Thomas, and others.

Will Graves trancribed the pension application of Henry Wells (.pdf file).

Marg Baskin's Banastre Tarleton website has a transcription of Tarleton's memoir, and Mackenzie's Strictures.

Henry Lee's 1812 Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States

This issue (.pdf file) of The Southern Campaigns of the American Revolution magazine includes an article by Will Graves that provides a complete treatment of McJunkin's statements.

One of Young's statements appears in the pension application of John Jolly (.pdf file), transcribed by Will Graves.

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Richard Crabtree (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Richard Swearingen (.pdf file).

Theodorus Bailey Myers' 1881 Cowpens Papers has a copy of Jackson's letters.

C. Leon Harris transcribed the pension application of William Neel (.pdf file).

Lawrence Babits' A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens is available through amazon.com.

Related: The American Skirmishers, Who Did John Savage Shoot?, Morgan's Report

The American Skirmishers at Cowpens

[Minor edits 12/28/09]

Descriptions of the American deployment at the battle of Cowpens traditionally refer to three groups of infantry. Closest to the British was a group of skirmishers. Behind them was the largest grouping of American militia, forming what is known as the first line, or the militia line. Behind them was a grouping of Continentals supported by additional militia, forming what is known as the second line, main line, or center line. Finally, in rear of the infantry was the American cavalry reserve (Alexander Chesney termed the cavalry "a third line").

Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan noted that skirmishers were detached from the militia line to engage the British at the start of the battle:

“The disposition of battle being thus formed, small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy, upon which their whole line moved on with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. McDowall and Cunningham gave them a heavy and galling fire, and retreated to the regiments intended for their support.”

Statements by other participants are more vague about the composition of the American skirmishers, but they at least confirm the impression that this was a small force. For example, Major Joseph McJunkin of South Carolina described the skirmishers as "a corps of picked riflemen... scattered in loose order along the whole front.”

One of the clearest statements about the composition of the skirmishers can be found in Colonel Henry Lee's (1812) Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States. Lee may not have been present at the Cowpens, but he was a battlefield commander during the war (including in South Carolina) and he personally knew the American leaders at Cowpens and spoke and corresponded with them both during and after the war.

About the skirmishers, Lee wrote:

"Two light parties of militia, under Major M'Dowel, of North Carolina, and Major Cunningham, of Georgia, were advanced in front, with orders to feel the enemy as he approached; and, preserving a desultory well-aimed fire as they fell back to the front line, to range with it and renew the conflict. The main body of the militia composed this line, with General Pickens at its head. At a suitable distance in the rear of the first line a second was stationed, composed of the continental infantry and two companies of Virginia militia, under Captains Triplett and Taite, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Howard... The American light parties quickly yielded [as the British advanced], fell back, and arrayed with Pickens. The enemy, shouting, rushed forward upon the front line, which retained its station, and poured in a close fire; but, continuing to advance with the bayonet on our militia, they retired, and gained with haste the second line."

However, a close description of participant statements suggests that Lee's description may be incomplete. Two South Carolinians, Major Joseph McJunkin and Private Thomas Young, indicated that the first shot fired by the Americans came from one of Thomas Brandon's South Carolinians, a regiment that was on the front line, but mentioned by Morgan or Lee in connection with the skirmishers.

Thomas Young, in a postwar statement, observed, “The militia fired first. It was for a time, pop--pop--pop--[i.e., the skirmishers] and then a whole volley [i.e., the militia line]... I have heard old Col. Fair [Lieutenant-Colonel William Farr of the South Carolina militia] say often, that he believed John Savage fired the first gun in this battle. He was riding to and fro, along the lines, when he saw Savage fix his eye upon a British officer; he stepped out of the ranks, raised his gun-fired, and he saw the officer fall.”

In a supporting statement to the pension application of John Jolly, Young noted that, "John Savage, in my opinion fired the first gun at the Battle of the Cowpens -- a British Officer rode up towards the advance guard of Morgan's Army & calling them in a loud voice "dam’d Rebels," ordered them to disperse -- John Savage instantly raised his rifle & fired & the British Officer fell from his horse mortally wounded. This fact has fixed the services of Savage indelibly upon my memory -- John Savage was much older then I was -- and I think he was in the service during the time I was & I think before. He has always had the Reputation of having served during the war."

Major Joseph McJunkin has two postwar statements attributed to him. In one statement, McJunkin reputedly said, "At this time Tarleton marching up and filing to the right and left, formed in battle assay, when Gen. Morgan said "Boys, who will bring on the battle?" When Col. Farr & Major McJunkin stepped out & said, "Boys, who will go with us" when others stepped out until Morgan said there were enough, & said "Go & bring on the action & if you are pressed, retreat, & come in on our flank." which we did."

In the other statement, McJunkin reputedly said, "…soon the red coats stream before the eyes of the militia. A column marches up in front of Brandon's men led by a gayly dressed officer on horseback. The word passes along the line, "Who can bring him down?" John Savage looked Col. Farr full in the face and read yes in his eye. He darted a few paces in front, laid his rifle against a sapling, a blue gas streamed above his head, the sharp crack of a rifle broke the solemn stillness of the occasion and a horse without a rider wheeled from the front of the advancing column. In a few moments the fire is general. The sharpshooters fall behind Pickens and presently his line yields.”

If the first shot from the American skirmishers was fired by one of Brandon's South Carolinians, why did Morgan and Lee mentioned only Major McDowell of North Carolina and Major Cunningham of Georgia in connection with the skirmishers? One possibility is that McDowell and Cunningham contributed the greater part of the skirmishers, and other, smaller parties were overlooked or not deemed worthy of specific notice. Alternatively, it might be that McDowell and Cunningham were specifically mentioned because Morgan gave them joint command of the various small parties of skirmishers, not because their men were the only participants on the skirmish line.

Sources:

The Journal of Alexander Chesney.

James Graham. (1856). The Life of General Daniel Morgan has a copy of Morgan's after action report.

Henry Lee. (1812). Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States.

For Joseph McJunkin's accounts of the battle, see:

• James Saye. Memoirs of Major Joseph McJunkin, Revolutionary Patriot.
• Will Graves. (2005). What Did Joseph McJunkin Really Saye? Southern Campaigns of the American Revolution, Volume 2, Issue 11. (.pdf file).

For Thomas Young's accounts of the battle, see:

• Joseph Johnson. (1851). Traditions and Reminiscences Chiefly of the American Revolution in the South.
• The pension application of John Jolly (.pdf file), transcribed by Will Graves.

The Militia Line at Cowpens

[Revised 12/26/09]

General:

An 1822 history, Sketches... of the Highlanders of Scotland, which tells the story of the battle of Cowpens from the perspective of the Scottish soldiers in the 71st Foot, provided one of the clearest descriptions of where the American militia line stood during the battle.

"On the morning of the 17th January 1781, intelligence was received that General Morgan was in front, with his force drawn up on a rising ground, thinly covered with pine trees; the front line being on the crown of the rising ground, and the second 400 paces in rear of the first line."

In other words, there were militia positioned near the number 1 on the map below.

Not all of the militia were deployed in this one spot. Rather, the militia line was divided into two wings, with one wing located near the crest of Elevation #1 (#6 on the map below), and the other wing located near the Green River Road (#7 on the map below).

1 = Continental Light Dragoons, 2 = Mounted Militia, 3 = Right Wing of the Main Line, 4 = Continental Infantry, 5 = Left Wing of the Main Line, 6 = Right Wing of the Militia Line, 7 = Left Wing of the Militia Line, 8 = Skirmishers

Clear evidence for this deployment can be found in the after action report of the American commander, Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan. Morgan stated:

"An hour before daylight [on the morning of the battle] one of my scouts returned and informed me that Lieut. Col. Tarleton had advanced within five miles of our camp. On this information, I hastened to form as good a disposition as circumstances would admit, and from the alacrity of the troops, we were soon prepared to receive them... The volunteers from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, under the command of the brave and valuable Col. Pickens, were situated to guard the flanks. Maj. McDowall, of the North Carolina volunteers, was posted on the right flank in front of the line, one hundred and fifty yards; and Maj. Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, on the left, at the same distance in front, Colonels Brannon and Thomas, of the South Carolinans, were posted on the right of Maj. McDowall, and Cols. Hay and McCall, of the same corps, on the left of Maj. Cunningham."

Other participant accounts also indicated that the militia were divided into two parts.

Major Joseph McJunkin of South Carolina recalled that, "the regulars [were] in the center, commanded by Col. Howard, the militia on the right and left—the right commanded by Gen. Pickens, the left by _________ [blank in the original]. Col. Washington in the rear with his troop of cavalry."

Sergeant-Major William Seymour of the Delaware Continentals recorded in his journal that, "The militia were... drawn up in front of the standing troops [i.e., the Continentals] on the right and left banks, being advanced about two hundred yards.”

Private Robert Long of South Carolina described the two militia wings to the front of his regiment. Directly in front of him on the right wing was "Major McDowell, of North Carolina... Cols. Thomas and Roebuck [were] in the extreme right. The left wing was similarly formed of militia." See The Statements of Private Robert Long.

Private Adam Files of South Carolina recalled in his pension application that, "The right of the Army was commanded by General Pickens. The left by Colonel McCall and these Center by General Morgan."

Private John Harris of South Carolina claimed in his pension application that, "I was in the left wing for the militia under Col. McCall."

Composition of the Right Wing:

The right wing of the militia line consisted of North and South Carolinians. The North Carolinans were organized into a single battalion under the command of Major Joseph McDowell. Following, in part, the analysis of Lawrence Babits described in A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Camden, the South Carolinians were organized into three small battalions. These South Carolinians included the 1st Spartan Regiment, under the command of Colonel John Thomas, and two battalions of the 2nd Spartan Regiment, under the command of Colonel Thomas Brandon, and Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Roebuck. According to South Carolinian Aaron Guyton, these battalions were well linked with each other and Colonel Joseph Hayes' Little River regiment:

"I was under Colonel Brandon who had a few Brave men – who stood true for the cause of liberty in the back part of the State who composed our little Army I was out the most of this time sometimes we had 75 sometimes 150 men, and sometimes we had four or five Colonels with from 50 to 150 men. Each of them had command of a Regiment at home & sometimes not more than 5 of his men with him. The colonels were Brandon, Hase, Roebuck, White." Following Babits, these officers were Colonel Thomas Brandon, Colonel Joseph Hayes, Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Roebuck, and Major Henry White (second-in-command to John Thomas).

Morgan placed McDowell's battalion to the left side of the South Carolinians. Robert Long's account further adds that Thomas and Roebuck were on the extreme right. By extension, Brandon's battalion must have been deployed next to McDowell's men.

Composition of the Left Wing:

The left wing of the militia line consisted of Georgians and South Carolinians.

Major John Cunningham commanded a small battalion of Georgia militia. According to Major James Jackson of Georgia, Cunningham's command was comprised of three companies under the commands of Captains Samuel Hammond, Joshua Inman, and George Walton. Babits named a Captain Richard Heard in place of Hammond. One David Thurmond claimed, in his pension application, to have been a captain in this battalion at the battle.

Major (soon to be Colonel) James McCall commanded a regiment of South Carolina State Troops. McCall's regiment was recruited from Georgia and South Carolina "refugees." This regiment was supposed to be equipped as dragoons, but the regiment was still being organized at the time of the battle, and only a relatively small number were prepared to fight in that capacity. McCall took personal command of those troops equipped as dragoons and fought alongside Lieutenant-Colonel William Washington and the remainder of the American cavalry during the battle. The rest of the troops served under McCall's second-in-command, Captain (soon to be Major) Samuel Hammond. (Hammond's pension application is the source of many of these details).

Morgan's account indicates that the Georgians served on the right end of the left wing, while South Carolinians served on the left. Morgan placed Colonel Joseph Hayes' regiment of South Carolinians on the left wing, but Long convincingly placed it on the main line.

There are some other bodies of troops that were likely a part of the left wing that are generally not described in accounts of the battle. These may have included Captain John Irby's company of Georgia refugees (see Little River Regiment), and other, miscellaneous volunteers (see pension application of George Harbinson).

More significantly, Colonel Andrew Pickens' Upper Ninety-Six District Regiment of South Carolina militia was likely on the left wing. The few references to Pickens' regiment in accounts of the battle may reflect the absence of the regiment's senior leadership. Pickens was given overall command of the front-line militia and so was away from his regiment. Major Alexander Noble possibly had command of the American baggage (at least this was his assignment after the battle). Private Patrick Norris mentioned that Noble was "officer of the guard" and after the battle "conducted the forge wagon with a considerable number of arms, that were taken from Tarleton at his defeat to Gilbertstown in North Carolina."

McCall was well known to the men of Pickens' regiment having come from the same part of the state and having been, at one time, a captain in the regiment. It can be difficult to distinguish in some pension applications whether the applicant was a South Carolina refugee attached to McCall or whether the individual was in Pickens' regiment.

John Harris is one individual whose account is somewhat ambiguous.

Early in the war he was clearly in what would become Pickens' regiment: "In the summer of 1778–I was again called out and went in Captain Noble’s Company under Col. Andrew Williamson and Maj. Andrew Pickens." This was before Noble and Pickens had been promoted.

Sometime in 1780, however, he "joined Col. (then Capt McCall) in an enterprise which he under took to surprize the British at Augusta... [later] McCall retreated up the Saluda River spent two weeks in the mountains on the border of North Carolina, almost without food, and joined Gen’l. Morgans army in North Carolina a short time after the Battle of Kings Mountain. With this army I remained until the battle of the Cowpens Jan’y. 1781, in which I was in the left wing for the militia under Col. McCall."

A number of pension applications, however, clearly establish Pickens' regiment as one present at the battle.

Charles Holland was a private in Joseph Pickens' company of Colonel Andrew Pickens' regiment:

"he volunteered, some time in the month of September (as well as he can recollect) 1776, in a company of militia under the command of Captain James McCall, in the District then called Ninety-Six, now Abbeville, in the State of South Carolina, that said company was attached to a Regiment, or corps of men, under the command of Major Andrew Williamson or Winson, the Colonel, if any, not recollected; that he continued with Captain McCall until about a month July 1777, when the Captain was taken prisoner by the Indians & this relator was transferred to a militia company commanded by Captain Andrew Pickens, in the same Regiment; that soon after this, Williamson was promoted to the command of the Regiment & Captain Pickens was made the Major... [later,] one Joseph Pickens was promoted to the captaincy of said Company... and Major Andrew Pickens became the Commandant of this Regiment; and one Alexander Noble became Major."

Holland was also at the battle of Cowpens, where a British cavalryman wounded him "by a sword thrust through the body, which disabled him for active service for two or three months." Others in his regiment experienced the same fate.

James Pettigrew was a private in James Caldwell's company:

"The next battle he was in of any note was at the Cowpens under General Morgan. General Pickens, Col. Anderson, Colonel McCall, Major Noble, Lieut. Carlile [Francis Carlisle] were in that engagement and most of them, if not all, were under the command of General Pickens and from Abbeville District. He recollects that Colonel Washington with his cavalry was there and saved the militia from inevitable destruction. James Caldwell commanded this applicant's company and was cut almost to death by Tarlton's horsemen so much so that he had to be borne from the field."

Jeremiah Files was a private in John Files' company:

Jeremiah "enrolled himself as a volunteer under Colonel Andrew Pickens and at the time of his enrollment resided in Abbeville District in the State of South Carolina and marched from thence as a volunteer with Col.Pickens to Granvile Shoals on Packlet River and there joined General Morgan about the first of January in the year 1781 and then placed under the command of Captain McKall [James McCall] in the Battalion of Major Noble in the Regiment of Colonel Andrew Pickens of the South Carolina Militia... we marched under General Morgan to the Cowpens and was at the Battle fought there against Tarltons Legion on the Wednesday Morning on the 17th day of January 1781... This Deponent was wounded by Tarleton's Dragoons on the head – on the left arm and on the right hand each wound was made with a sword & the wounds are now visible the wounds Greatly Disabled this Deponent -- & Stunned him for some time & one Captain Alexander of Rowan County North Carolina was the first man to come to his relief & informed him of our victory."

Samuel Hammond's dubious sketch of the battle shows Pickens' regiment on the left wing of the main line (see The Hammond Map). However, Pettigrew's statement (see above) links McCall with Pickens' regiment, suggesting that their regiments served together during the battle.

Sources:

David Stewart's 1825 Sketches... of the Highlanders of Scotland is available through Google Books.

Morgan's report of the battle can be found in James Graham's 1856 The Life of General Daniel Morgan.

For a transcription of Long's accounts of the battle see The Statements of Private Robert Long.

John Moncure's The Cowpens Staff Ride and Battlefield Tour webpage has a transcription of the statements by Hammond, Seymour, and Howard.

This issue of the online magazine, Southern Campaigns of the American Revolution has complete transcriptions and commentary on McJunkin's statements.

A transcription of William Seymour's journal can also be found on this Battle of Camden website.

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of David Thurmond (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Adam Files, which can be read here (.pdf file).

C. Leon Harris transcribed the pension application of John Harris, which can be read here (.pdf file).

Lawrence Babits' A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens is available through amazon.com.

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Aaron Guyton (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Samuel Hammond (.pdf file).

C. Leon Harris transcribed the pension application of George Harbinson (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Patrick Norris (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Charles Holland (.pdf file).

Nan Overton West transcribed the pension application of James Pettigew (.pdf file).

Will Graves transcribed the pension application of Jeremiah Files (.pdf file).

The Hammond Map

An account by Captain Samuel Hammond of South Carolina is one of the most important statements about how the American army was deployed at the battle of Cowpens. Unfortunately, it is also contradictory and confusing.

Hammond wrote of the evening before the battle:

"Orders had been issued to the militia, to have twenty-four rounds of balls prepared and ready for use, before they retired to rest. A general order, forming the disposition of the troops, in case of coming to action, had also been prepared, and was read to Colonels Pickens and McCall, Major Jackson and the author of these notes, in the course of the evening. No copy was ever afforded to either of these authors, before the battle, and the author of these notes has never since seen them, but in the, course of the same evening he made the following notes upon them, then fresh in his memory, and which was shown to Major Jackson and Colonel McCall, and approved by them as correct as far as they went. To show those concerned what would be their stations, the author drew out a rough sketch of the position set forth in the general order, and after the action, the rough sketch of the enemy's position was added. No perfect or accurate sketch of the enemy's position was ever drawn: this was only taken by the eye, not with mathematical instruments; and yet no opportunity has been afforded of correcting it. Nevertheless, this gives you a still better idea of the affair, than could be obtained without it.

"The order commenced in substance thus:

"As the enemy seems resolved to force us into action, the numbers and spirit of this little band of patriot soldiers seems to justify the general in the belief that they may be met with confidence, defeated and driven back. To prepare for which, the following order will be observed.

"The front line will be composed of that part of Colonel McCall's regiment of South-Carolina State troops, who have not yet been equipped as dragoons, under the command of Major Hammond; the Georgia volunteers, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Cunningham, and the North Carolina volunteers, under the command of Major McDowal, Colonel Cunningham will take post on the right, Major McDowal on the left of the line, southwest of the road, upon the rising ground beyond the valley in front, three hundred to three hundred and fifty yards in rear of this cantonment or camp, with the left resting upon the road. Major Hammond will take post on the left of the road, in line with Colonel Cunningham; supported on the left by Captain Donoly, of the Georgia refugees.

"The second line will be composed of the continental regiment of Maryland troops, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Howard; on the left of the second line, falling back one hundred yards in its rear, a continuation of the second line, or third line, will be formed, advancing its left wing towards the enemy, so as to bring it nearly parallel with the left of the continental troops, upon the second line. The Virginia militia, commanded by Major Triplet, with the South-Carolina militia, commanded by Captain Beaty, will form to the right of the second line; the left nearly opposite to the right of the second line, one hundred yards in its rear; the right extending towards the enemy, so as to be opposite to or parallel with the second line, The main guard will hold its present position, and be commanded as at present by Colonel Washington's cavalry, with such of Colonel McCall's regiment of new raised South-Carolina State troops, as have been equipped for dragoons, will be a reserve, and form in the rear of Colonel Pickens, beyond the ridge, one or two hundred yards, and nearly opposite the main guard, north of the road.

"This is not meant as a correct report of the general order, but as nearly so as the memory, influenced by such events, could be expected to retain. The sketch annexed will give you a further illustration of the important event.”

One problem with this statement concerns certain omissions. He named Triplett and Beaty as serving with a wing of troops to the right of Howard's Continentals, but he did not identifiy the troops serving to the left of the Continentals. He said that McCall's dragoons were to be held in reserve behind Pickens, but he didn't identify where Pickens was stationed.

There is also a contradiction in his statement about the placement of troops on the front line. First he said first that, "Colonel Cunningham will take post on the right, Major McDowal [sic] on the left of the line, southwest of the road." This would seem to indicate that both commands were to be southwest of the road, with Cunningham on the right and McDowell on the left. However, he then said that "Major Hammond will take post on the left [i.e., northeast] of the road, in line with Colonel Cunningham." If Hammond were in line with Cunningham, then Cunningham would have been on the left of McDowell, not on the right.

Confusion also arises from a comparison of Hammond's written accounts with the maps he allegedly drew. Here is the "sketch," in two parts, which was originally printed in Joseph Johnson's 1851 Traditions and Reminiscences Chiefly of the American Revolution in the South.


The first map seems to have the directional arrow pointing in the wrong direction (South rather than North). McCall's dragoons have disappeared. There is a "valley or ravine" running across the road in front of the American position that does not correspond with the actual terrain (see this post). There are also two second lines, each consisting of the same troops, but in different positions. Perhaps the intention was to show the position of these troops at two different points in time. However, in neither case do the wings on either side of Howard's continentals begin 100 yards behind the regulars as the text has them.

The second map has Hammond on the far right of the American line when the text has him on the far left.

Of the two, the textual description seems more reliable. It is more detailed than the maps, and seems to better reflect Hammond's recollection. (I wonder if the printer, in preparing the sketch for publication, did not err in attaching labels to the sketch). The textual description also meshes well with other descriptions of the American deployment, including that in Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan's after action report. The maps are considerably less consistent with other participant accounts.

Sources:

Joseph Johnson's 1851 Traditions and Reminiscences Chiefly of the American Revolution in the South is the original source of Hammond's account.

Morgan's Report on Cowpens

[Minor edits 12/25/09]

Two days after the battle of Cowpens, the American commander, Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan, wrote the following report of his victory to his superior, Major-General Nathanael Greene.

----------------------------

"Dear Sir: The troops I have the honor to command have gained a complete victory over the detachment from the British Army commanded by Lieut.-Col. Tarleton. The action happened in the 17th inst., about sunrise, at the Cowpens... An hour before daylight one of my scouts returned and informed me that Lieut. Col. Tarleton had advanced within five miles of our camp. On this information, I hastened to form as good a disposition as circumstances would admit, and from the alacrity of the troops, we were soon prepared to receive them. The light infantry, commanded by Lieut. Col. Howard, and the Virginia militia under the command of Major Triplett, were formed on a rising ground, and extended a line in front. The third regiment of dragoons, under Lieut. Col. Washington, were posted at such a distance in their rear, as not to be subjected to the line of fire directed at them, and to be so near as to be able to charge them should they be broken. The volunteers from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, under the command of the brave and valuable Col. Pickens, were situated to guard the flanks. Maj. McDowall, of the North Carolina volunteers, was posted on the right flank in front of the line, one hundred and fifty yards; and Maj. Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, on the left, at the same distance in front, Colonels Brannon and Thomas, of the South Carolinans, were posted on the right of Maj. McDowall, and Cols. Hay and McCall, of the same corps, on the left of Maj. Cunningham. Capts. Tate and Buchanan, with the Augusta [Virginia] riflemen, to support the right of the line.

"The enemy drew up in single line of battle, four hundred yards in front of our advanced corps. The first battalion of the 71st regiment was opposed to our right, the 7th regiment to our left, the infantry of the legion to our centre, the light companies on our flanks. In front moved two pieces of artillery. Lieut. Col. Tarleton, with his cavalry, was posted in the rear of the line.

"The disposition of battle being thus formed, small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy, upon which their whole line moved on with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. McDowall and Cunningham gave them a heavy and galling fire, and retreated to the regiments intended for their support. The whole of Col, Pickens' command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreating agreeably to their orders. When the enemy advanced on our line, they received a well-directed and incessant fire. But their numbers being superior to ours, they gained our flanks, which obliged us to change our position. We retired in good order about fifty paces, formed, and advanced on the enemy, and gave them a fortunate volley, which threw them into disorder. Lieut. Col. Howard observing this, gave orders for the line to charge bayonets, which was done with such address that they fled with the utmost precipitation leaving their fieldpieces in our possession. We pushed our advantage so effectually, that they never had an opportunity of rallying, had their intentions been ever so good.

"Lieut. Col. Washington, having been informed that the Tarleton was cutting down our riflemen on the left, pushed forward, and charged them with such firmness, that instead of attempting to recover the fate of the day, which one would have expected from an officer of his splendid character, broke and fled.

"The enemy's whole force were now bent solely in providing for their safety in flight-the list of their killed, wounded, and prisoners, will inform you with what effect. Tarleton, with the small remains of his cavalry, and a few scattered infantry he had mounted on his wagonhorses, made their escape. He was pursued twenty-four miles, but owing to our having taken a wrong trail at first, we could never overtake him.

"As I was obliged to move off of the field of action in the morning, to secure the prisoners, I cannot be so accurate as to the killed and wounded of the enemy as I could wish. From the reports of an officer whom I sent to view the ground, there were one hundred non-commissioned officers and privates, and ten commissioned officers killed, and two hundred rank and file wounded. We now have in our possession five hundred and two non-commissioned officers and privates prisoners, independent of the wounded, and the militia are taking up stragglers continually. Twenty-nine commissioned officers have fell into our hands... The officers I have paroled: the privates I am conveying by the safest route to Salisbury.

"Two standards, two fieldpieces, thirty-five wagons, a travelling forge, and all their music are ours. Their baggage, which was immense, they have in a great measure destroyed.

"Our loss is inconsiderable, which the enclosed return will evince. I have not been able to ascertain Col. Pickens loss, but know it to be very small.

"From our force being composed of such a variety of corps, a wrong judgment may be formed of our numbers. We fought only eight hundred men, two-thirds of which were militia. The British, with their baggage-guard, were not less than one thousand one hundred and fifty, and these veteran troops. Their own officers confess that they fought one thousand and thirty-seven.

"Such was the inferiority of our numbers that our success must be attributed, under God, to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our troops. My wishes would induce me to mention the name of every sentinel in the corps I have the honor to command. In justice to the brave and good conduct of the officers, I have taken the liberty to enclose you a list of their names from a conviction that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to the world."

----------------------------

This is clearly an important document pertaining to the battle. Probably the most important document. Morgan was the architect of the victory, he was able to view the entirety of the battle. In the 2 days since the end of the battle, he had time to replay the events of the day in his head and confer not only with his officers afterwards, but with those of the enemy that became his prisoners. The events of the day were no doubt very clear to him; clearer certainly than participants writing about the battle many years later. It was also imperative for him to get the account right. His description of how the battle was fought and won would likely influence the behavior of other American commanders in future engagements.

Sources:

John Moncure's online history of the battle, The Cowpens Staff Ride and Battlefield Tour, includes a transcription of Morgan's report.

James Graham's (1856) The Life of General Daniel Morgan also has a copy of his report, including an appendix naming many of the officers that fought at Cowpens.