Showing posts with label art. Show all posts
Showing posts with label art. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 23, 2011

On Lexington Green (5)

In several previous posts, I’ve walked through much of the source material on the start of the Revolutionary War at Lexington Green, and concluded that there are at least four different plausible scenarios by which a gunshot (or perhaps several) started the outbreak of violence.

What happened after this initial shot (or shots) is in little dispute: British light infantrymen opened fire on the retreating Lexington militia.

The senior British officer on hand, Major John Pitcairn, blandly recorded that “without any order or regularity, the Light Infantry began a scattered fire, and continued in that situation for some little time, contrary to the repeated orders both of me and other officers that were present.”

British Lieutenant John Barker described the scene more vividly:

“…our Men without any orders rushed in upon them, fired and put ‘em to flight; several of them were killed, we cou’d not tell how many, because they were got behind Walls and into the Woods [i.e., the militia had fled]; We had a Man of the 10th light Infantry wounded, nobody else hurt. We then formed on the Common, but with some difficulty, the Men were so wild they cou’d hear no orders; we waited a considerable time there, and at length proceeded on our way to Concord…”

For the Lexington militia, and the dozens of spectators loitering around the green, emotions quickly swung from apprehension to horror:

Timothy Smith: “I saw a large body of Regular Troops marching up towards the Lexington Company, then dispersing, and likewise saw the Regular Troops fire on the Lexington Company, before the latter fired a gun. I immediately ran, and a volley was discharged at me, which put me in imminent danger of losing my life.”

Thomas Fessenden: “[The Lexington] Company of Militia dispersed every way as fast as they could, and while they were dispersing the Regulars kept firing at them incessantly”

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The exchange of fire on Lexington Green presents a couple of interesting challenges to those that would visually represent it. First, it is unclear how the firing began. Second, it’s clear enough that the subsequent exchange of fire was extremely one-sided. Eight Massachusetts provincials were killed, another 9 were wounded, and others were spared only by the inaccuracy of British musketry [1] and the rapidity of their flight. Few of the Lexington militia got off a shot.

Doolittle’s depiction was made early in the Revolutionary War and its purpose seems to have been not only to document events, but also to editorialize. He makes it clear that the British were the aggressors. The Lexington militia is shown running from the coldly deliberative British infantry, leaving behind the bleeding bodies of their friends and neighbors [2]. The blunt, ugly message is dulled only by the crudity with which it was executed.

Later paintings borrowed Doolittle’s vantage point, but not his message. In these cases, the purpose appears to have been to memorialize those who fought the British. The artists left ambiguous how the firing started, but instead focused on (and arguably took some historical liberties with) the resistance by the Lexington militia. Doolittle depicted murder. Later artists memorialized brave men defending their liberties.

Amos Doolittle

Howard Pyle

William Barnes Wollen

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Notes:

1. Elijah Sanderson: “All was smoke when the [British] foot fired. I heard no particular orders after what the commander [Pitcairn] first said. I looked, and, seeing nobody fall, thought to be sure they couldn’t be firing balls, and I didn’t move off. After our militia had dispersed, I saw them firing at one man, (Solomon Brown,) who was stationed behind a wall. I saw the wall smoke with the bullets hitting it. I then knew they were firing balls.” In Elias Phinney (1825). History of the Battle of Lexington on the morning of 19th April, 1775.

2. As described in previous posts, American accounts are inconsistent in their description of how the firing started. They implicitly acknowledge that once the British infantry fired, some Americans began to return fire. Doolittle presented a particularly inflammatory version of the event, in which the Lexington militia is all but a hapless victim of purposeful British aggression.

Saturday, December 4, 2010

Descriptions of the Battle of Longue-Pointe

On September 25, 1775, Colonel Ethan Allen made a mad dash at the city of Montréal that ended in disaster. Allen’s defeat is one of the more obscure episodes of the American Revolution, but it has captured the imagination of a number of Revolutionary War enthusiasts. Below is a portion of H. Charles McBarron’s painting of Allen’s defeat. Grizzled American woodsmen try to hold off a torrent of redcoats any way they can. Allen (at left), has a look of preternatural calm on his face, as he prepares to swing his musket down on some poor soldier’s head. In the background looms Montréal – the great unattainable prize.

Part of McBarron painting of Allen's defeat at Longue-Pointe (click to enlarge).

While McBarron’s painterly talents are praiseworthy (it is his painting of Washington at Monmouth that currently serves as my website banner), this is far from an accurate rendering of Allen’s defeat. Below are excerpts from a number of accounts of the battle. Among other things, they place Allen’s defeat further from the city, they indicate that most of the combatants were Canadians (not redcoats or woodsmen), and they indicate that the fighting, while desperate, did not become a melee.

It is largely on the basis of the following accounts that I will provide a relatively accurate description of Allen’s defeat (what is frequently referred to as the Battle of Longue-Pointe) in an upcoming post.

Letter from James Livingston to Richard Montgomery, dated September 27, 1775:

“Colonel Allen crossed over from Longeuil the day before yesterday, to attack the Town, with a party of his men and Canadians. General Prescott, hearing of his coming, engaged a number of people from the suburbs, at a half joe per man, to go out against Allen. They met near a league from town, when a smart engagement ensued, which lasted upwards of two hours. They had two field-pieces, and our party, after a long engagement, were obliged to retire, though the enemy, by all accounts, came off second best. I have sent off Mr. O' Hara, express, to Longeuil, to learn the true state of this battle. The Canadians that have returned to me, from the battle, agree, in general, that Mr. Allen is either dead or taken prisoner. This, if true, is a blow upon us. To-morrow we propose to have a consultation at Longeuil. Our greatest misfortune is the want of ammunition. Mr. Allen should never have attempted to attack the Town without my knowledge, or acquainting me of his design, as I had it in my power to furnish him with a number of men…”

Anonymous letter dated September 28, 1775, and subsequently published in the Quebec Gazette:

“On the 25th in the morning we were informed that Ethan Allen, with a party of Rebels and a number of Canadians were landed on this side of Long-Point, with an intention to march up and attack the town. We lost no time, but sent out to meet them 34 soldiers, 80 English volunteers, and 120 Canadian townsmen. We met them within three miles or less of the town, where they had taken shelter behind a barn, trees, and a natural breast-work which the banks of the little river Truteau afforded them. Our advanced party fired at two or three whom they saw: we never saw above that number at a time untill they took to their heels, which they did in a short while after our general fire began. A party of ours pursu'd them and took Ethan Allen their commander, 17 Yankeys, and 16 Canadians, prisoners. We march'd back to town destroying every boat and canoe we could find. I know not how many there was of the enemy; I think I saw about 100, most of them scamper'd towards the Wood. We killed five of them and wounded ten. On our side we lost Major CARDEN, had one soldier killed and one man shot through the thigh; Mr. Beaubassin was slightly wounded, and Mr. Alexander Paterson shot through the body as he boldly advanced towards the Rebels; his Spirit and activity can never be enough commended; we hope our brave friend will soon recover. This party was to have had thirty coppers a day, and the town of Montreal for plunder, but if they get it, they'll pay dear for it.”

Guy Johnson to William Legge, letter dated October 12, 1775:

“Allen their most daring Partizan advanced with a body of about 140 Rebels very near Montreal which was thrown into the utmost confusion, a body consisting of some Regulars, Volunteers and 32 officers and men of my Department with a few Indians marched to oppose them on the 25th of Sept. and engaged them within less than three miles of the Gates where the Rebels were defeated and Col. Allen being vigorously pressed by those of my Corps surrendered to Mr. Johnson one of my Officers.”

Account by “Nauticus,” published in the Quebec Gazette and dated October 19, 1775:

“On Monday the 25th of September, from day light till 9 o'Clock, were discovered several canoes passing and repassing, 'twixt Longueuil and the Island of Montreal; and on enquiry were found to be a party of Yankey Rebels, and Canadians, (who had join'd them from Chambly River) commanded by Ethan Allen, with intention (as they themselves confest afterwards) to invest and plunder the city of Montreal; which greatly alarmed the inhabitants, and occasioned the drum beating to arms. Immediately the Citizens in general both French and English, by His Excellency the Governor's direction assembled on the parade, and from thence part of them marched to the barracks, and after a short parley about eighty of the English Citizens and one hundred and twenty French, joined Major Campbell and Captain Crawford, with Ensign Campbell and a detachment of about thirty men of the 26th Regiment twenty of Colonel Guy Johnson's Indian department, with 6 or 8 Savages. The Troops Led the van, and the Citizens eagerly followed, and marched down the road to Long-point, destroying every canoe and water carriage as they went along for fear the Vilains, should escape, soon after an advanced party about ten in number fell in with the enemy, and found them lodged in houses, barns, behind trees, and in a natural breast-work formed by the banks of the little river Truteau, where they sustained a heavy fire for a few minutes before the main-body got up. Then the general fire began on both sides and continued about fifteen minutes, when the Rebels gall'd by a constant and steady platoon fire from the Regulars (who were within sixty yards of them, covered by the gable end of a house) and finding they were surrounded by a flanking party of our Volunteers, some of them gained way and the rest followed, and Allen, with thirty-five prisoners were taken. The loss of our side was Major CARDEN, a brave Officer, who tho' extremely corpulent was one of the first in the field, and unfortunately received a wound of which he expired in 8 hours after, one volunteer shot; a soldier of the 26th Regiment since dead of his wounds. Mr. Alexander Paterson shot thro' the body as he boldly advanced towards the Rebels, this GENTLEMAN'S conduct and courage is worthy of imitation he is now in a fair way of recovery. The Rebels had five killed on the field and ten wounded, two of which are since dead. In this party there were about one hundred and fifty who came to a general Skirmish. Several of the Citizens both French and English distinguished themselves on this occasion; but we cannot help recommending the behaviour of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Butler of the Indian department, who with about six or seven volunteers and one savage were the first up with ALLEN'S party, who being about sixteen in number, threw down their Arms and surrendered, when Allen immediately delivered his sword to Mr. Johnson.”

Guy Carleton to William Legge, letter dated October 25, 1775:

“The next morning it was rumoured the rebels had crossed the river in the night and were posted about three miles below the town. This was soon confirmed, the drums beat the alarm, all the old gentlemen and better sort of citizens, English and Canadian, turned out under arms; some of the lower classes followed their example; they were ordered to join the troops at the barracks and from thence to the further end of the Quebec suburbs. Captain Crauford with thirty soldiers marched first; a few, mostly colonists, then stepped forward and turned off the contrary way; the rest, with some officers who have retired or are on the staff and a few Indians, followed the troops very gallantly and hurried them forward without further command and without much order. They soon came up to the rebels’ post and in a little time put them to the rout. These were about one hundred and fifty in number, two-thirds Canadians: they say they expected all in the suburbs, some in the town, and many from the neighboring parishes, would have joined them and that they were to march in without opposition. Ethan Allen, their chief, and about thirty-five men were taken prisoners, five of these wounded. Major Carden, who was our senior officer in the action and very capable of conducting an affair of this sort, was mortally wounded; Mr. A. Patterson, an English merchant, received a bad wound but is likely to recover; three or four soldiers and discharged soldiers killed or wounded. This for a time gave a favourable turn to the minds of the people; some of the parishes now began to send in their quotas from the militia.”

Selection from Ethan Allen’s memoir:

“The town of Montreal was in a great tumult. General Carleton and the royal party, made every preparation to go on board their vessels of force, as I was afterwards informed, but the spy escaped from my guard to the town, occasioned an alteration in their policy, and emboldened Gen Carleton to send the force which he had there collected, out against me. I had previously chosen my ground, but when I saw the number of the enemy as they sallied out of the town, I perceived it would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke; but I had no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated on an island, and the St Lawrance cut off my communication to General Montgomery's camp. I encouraged my soldiery to bravely defend themselves, that we should soon have help, and that we should be able to keep the ground, if no more. This, and much more, I affirmed with the greatest seeming assurance, and which in reality I thought to be in some degree probable.

“The enemy consisted of not more than forty regular troops, together with a mixed multitude, chiefly Canadians, with a number of English who lived in town, and some Indians; in all to the number of near five hundred.

“The reader will notice that most of my party were Canadians; indeed it was a motley parcel of soldiery which composed both parties. However, the enemy began to attack from wood-piles, ditches, buildings, and such like places, at a considerable distance and I returned the fire from a situation more than equally advantageous. The attack began between two and three o clock in the afternoon, just before which I ordered a volunteer by the name of Richard Young, with a detachment of nine men as a flank guard, which, under the cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy the enemy, but at the same time, serve as a flank guard to the left of the main body.

“The fire continued for sometime on both sides; and I was confident that such a remote method of attack could not carry the ground provided it should be continued till night: but near half the body of the enemy began to flank round to my right; upon which I ordered a volunteer, by the name of John Dugan, who had lived many years in Canada, and understood the French language, to detach about fifty of the Canadians, and post himself at an advantageous ditch, which was on my right, to prevent my being surrounded. He advanced with the detachment, but instead of occupying the post, made his escape, as did likewise Mr Young upon the left, with their detachments. I soon perceived that the enemy was in possession of the ground, which Dugan should have occupied. At this time I had but about forty five men with me; some of whom were wounded; the enemy kept closing round me, nor was it in my power to prevent it; by which means, my situation, which was advantageous in the first part of the attack, ceased to be so in the last; and being almost entirely surrounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I ordered a retreat, but found that those of the enemy, who were of the country, and their Indians, could run as fast as my men, though the regulars could not. Thus I retreated near a mile, and some of the enemy, with the savages, kept flanking me, and others crowded hard in the rear. In fine, I expected, in a very short time to try the world of spirits; for I was apprehensive that no quarter would be given to me, and therefore had determined to sell my life as dear as I could. One of the enemy's officers, boldly pressing in the rear, discharged his fusee at me; the ball whistled near me, as did many others that day. I returned the salute, and missed him, as running had put us both out of breath; for I conclude we were not frightened: I then saluted him with my tongue in a harsh manner, and told him that, inasmuch as his numbers, were so far superior to mine, I would surrender provided I could be treated with honor, and be assured of good quarter for myself and the men who were with me; and he answered I should; another officer, coming up directly after, confirmed the treaty; upon which I agreed to surrender with my party, which then consisted of thirty one effective men, and seven wounded. I ordered them to ground their arms, which they did.

...

“The action continued an hour and three quarters by the watch, and I know not to this day how many of my men were killed, though I am certain there were but few. If I remember right, 7 were wounded; one of them, Wm. Stewart, by name, was wounded by a savage with a tomahawk, after he was taken prisoner and disarmed, but was rescued by some of the generous enemy; and so far recovered of his wounds, that he afterwards went with the other prisoners to England.

“Of the enemy, were killed a major Carden, who had been wounded in eleven different battles, and an eminent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and some others, but I never knew their whole loss, as their accounts were different. I am apprehensive that it is rare, that so much ammunition was expended, and so little execution done by it; though such of my party as stood the ground, behaved with great fortitude, much exceeding that of the enemy, but were not the best of marksmen, and I am apprehensive, were all killed or taken...”

Selection from the memoir of Simon Sanguinet, resident of Montréal:

“Nous étions dans cette situation au 24 Septembre 1775, quand Allein—un chef des Bastonnois — avec environ cent cinquante hommes du camp de la Pointe-Olivier—traversèrent de Longueuil au Courant Ste. Marie près Montréal à dix heures du soir—Il se logea chez plusieurs habitants, — Dans la nuit Allein, Loizeau et Dugand, vinrent dans plusieurs maisons du faubourg de Québec —particulièrement chez Jacques Roussain qui étoit passage de la ville à Longueuil—qui leur prêta des canots pour leur aider à traverser une partie des Bastonnois qui étoient encore au fort de Longueuil,—Il fut même les voir à Ste. Marie avec sept ou huit autres. Le Général Guy Carleton—ainsy que les citoyens de la ville—ignoroit queles Bastonnois fussent si près de la ville, jusqu'au vingt-cinq, à neuf heures du matin, qu’un nommé Deshotel, qui alloit à sa terre à la distance d’une lieue plus bas que Montréal, qui vit les Bastonnois dans plusieurs maisons, alors il revint aussitôt par les champs pour averter la ville, Dans l’instant l’on ferma les portes et l’on fit batter la générale—Aussitôt les citoyens canadiens at anglois de la ville se rendirent dans le Champ-de-Mars avec leurs armes, et de là à cour des casernes pour prendre des balles at de la poudre pour aller repousser l’ennemi. Cette demarche se fit d’eux mêmes—sans avoir reçu d’ordre, ny meme de permission du Général,—Pendant ce temps l’on vit plusieurs personnes—et surtout le Colonel Jamson, Surintendant des Sauvages, Clause et toutes les femmes et enfants des officiers qui—avec leur baggage—s’embarquèrent dans les navires qui étoient mouillés devant la ville.

“Les citoyens sortirent de Montréal au nombre d’environ trois cents canadiens et trente marchands anglois. Le reste des marchands anglois ne voulurent point y aller. C’est là où on reconnut le plus ouvertement les traìtres,—Il sortit aussitôt de la ville environ trente hommes de troupes. Les Bastonnois se replièrent dans une maison et une grange, et commencèrent à tirer. Le feu fut vif de part et d’autre. Des Canadiens cernèrent les Bastonnois du côté du bois, et leur coupèrent chemin,—Il fut fait prisonniers dans cette action environ trente-six bastionnois avec Allein qui étoit leur chef—Il y en eut plusieurs de blessés et tués et le reste prit la fuite—Nous eûmes le Major Carden—qui fut blessé—et le Sr Alexandre Paterson, marchand de distinction qui sont morts de leurs blessures—un soldat et un ouvrier tués et un manchonnier blessé,—Pendant le combat, le Général Guy Carleton et le Brigadier Prescot restèrent dans la cour des casernes avec environ quatre-vingt et quelques soldats, lesquels avoient leurs havresacs sur le dos et leur armes—prêts à s’embarquer dans le navires—si les citoyens de la ville etoient repoussés,—mais tout le contraire heureusement arriva—car ils revinrent victorieux avec leurs prisonniers que l’on mit à bord des navires,—Sitôt leur retour, les citoyens proposèrent au Général que s’il vouloit, il partiroit quatre-vingts ou cent citoyens à cheval et en calèche pour poursuivre les fuyards bastonnois, mais il les refusa. Cependant il étoit facile de tous les prendre, car une partie s’étoit sauvée à la coste St. Léonard et dans les bois,—Ils n’étoit question que d'aller s'emparer des canots qui étoient le long de la Longue-Pointe et de la Pointe-aux-Trembles, par ce moyen ils n'auroient pas pu traverser du côté du sud, ce qu'ils firent pendant la nuit suivante, mais non pas sans crainte.”

Thursday, October 28, 2010

Combat on Kitts

One of the most remarkable images of Revolutionary War combat is a naïve-art painting of a skirmish on the island of St. Kitts on January 28, 1782. This is a very rare instance of a combat painting by a Revolutionary War soldier, created during the war. The artist was one François Lescalet, who served on the French warship Le Sceptre. The painting shows French infantry defending a hill against disembarking British infantry.

Two sections of this painting are shown below. A zoomable version of the painting can be found here.

British troops disembark on the island of St. Kitts (click to enlarge). Possibly (see analysis below) the column at left is comprised of troops from the 13th Foot, while the column at right is comprised of troops from the 69th Foot.

Comte de Flechin leads the defense (click to enlarge). Comte Charles-François-Joseph de Flechin, on horseback, is either rallying his troops, or sending men into action. At left, smoke-enshrouded regulars skirmish with the enemy.

Overall, the painting shows chiefly land and sky. The figures are small and vague, and the heavy smoke obscures the action. Nevertheless, a number of features stand out.

British Troops

The British form on the beach directly into columns, and the new arrivals take their place at the end of the column. The columns are formed two abreast, either because of the narrowness of the roads or to facilitate quick deployment into line. Three columns are shown, which seemingly correspond with the three infantry units known to have participated in this action: the flank companies of the 13th foot, the battalion companies of the 28th foot, and the 69th regiment. The first two of these wore yellow facings, the third wore dull green facings. Drummers in yellow can be seen alongside the left two columns. The visible facing colors, numbers of drummers, and length of each column suggest that the troops are, from left to right, those of the 28th, the 13th, and the 69th regiments. However, Lescalet may have chosen yellow as the facing color simply because it was common in the British army, and he may have varied the column length for other reasons.

French Troops

Flechin’s command included the chasseurs and grenadiers of regiments Agénois and Touraine, among others. It is not possible to discern which men belong to which regiment as the figures have not been given facing colors. The French troops are shown meeting the British near the base of the hill, suggesting that Flechin intended to fight a delaying action, slowly giving way, while still retaining the high ground. The French troops are not shown deployed as a single line, but rather as a cluster of small parties. This deployment makes sense in view of the difficult terrain.

Location

The action appears to be taking place on St. Timothy’s Hill, which is in the southeastern quarter of St. Kitts, on the edge of Frigate Bay. A comparison with modern photographs suggests that Lescalet painted a location that he had visited and remembered.

Section of the Lescalet painting.

Google Maps screenshot with the Panoramio images feature enabled (the image has been cropped). The photo was taken from St. Timothy’s Hill, looking south, and shows much of the same terrain visible that is visible in the Lescalet painting.

Outcome

The outcome of this skirmish on St. Kitts is in dispute. Francophile and Anglophile writers have claimed this as a decisive victory for the French and British, respectively. Two examples appear below:

John William Fortescue in A History of the British Army, Vol. 3 (1902):

"... Prescott [the British infantry commander] and his troops were able to land on the 28th. He was at once attacked by the French, who, however, were repulsed without difficulty."

René Chartrand in American War of Independence Commanders (2003):

"... on January 28, 1782, the British landed a relief force. Flechin, with a party of 300 men, charged the head of the British column. The stunned British re-embarked. Brimstone Hill [i.e., the British garrison on St. Kitts] surrendered on February 12 and Nevis also capitulated largely because of Flechin's outstanding action."

The truth, as far as I’ve been able to discern, lies somewhere between these statements. The British drove de Flechin’s small force off the hill, but the aggressive defense prevented the British from achieving any strategic advantage. The campaign for St. Kitts has been the subject of some recent reading on my part, and possibly it will serve as the topic for a future series of posts.