Towards a Continental Army

The American people were gradually moving into armed conflict with Great Britain during the early 1770s. In the Spring of 1775, two events turned what had been a slow-burning fuse into an open conflagration. One was the British raid on colonial stores that resulted in the battle of Lexington and Concord. The other was the capture of Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point. A crisis was at hand because the American colonies were ill-prepared for open warfare with Great Britain. The American army that formed in Massachusetts after Lexington and Concord was bereft of the instruments of war, and the garrisons for the newly-captured British forts in New York were grossly lacking in men and provisions.

Neither Massachusetts nor New York was able to solve these crises are their own. Both colonies looked to the Continental Congress to provide direction and support. However, the Congress could not quickly act. No system of government existed beyond those for the individual colonies. Congress, therefore, effectively needed a unanimous consent in order to act on any major issue.

A brief timeline appears below:

May 10: The Second Continental Congress convenes. Also on this date: Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold seize Fort Ticonderoga in New York; news of Lexington and Concord reaches Georgia.

May 15: Congress forms “a committee to consider what posts are necessary to be occupied in the Colony of New-York, and that they be desired to report as speedily as possible.” The members are Virginia’s George Washington, Massachusetts’ Samuel Adams, Thomas Lynch of South Carolina, and the full New York delegation. Adams is one of the conspirators behind the expedition against Fort Ticonderoga [see past blog posts concerning April 25 and April 29, 1775], and he likely briefs the committee on what is afoot.

May 18: Congress receives word that Ticonderoga has fallen and it hears allegations that the British are planning to form an invasion army in Canada. [see past blog post concerning May 18, 1775].

May 26: Congress passes a resolution that reads, in part:

“Hostilities being actually commenced in the Massachusett’s-Bay, by the British troops under the command of General Gage, and the lives of a number of the inhabitants of that Colony destroyed, the town of Boston having not only been long occupied as a garrisoned town in an enemy’s country, but the inhabitants thereof treated with a severity and cruelty not to be justified even towards declared enemies; large re-inforcements too being ordered and soon expected, for the declared purpose of compelling these Colonies to submit to the operation of the said acts; that therefore, for the express purpose of securing and defending these Colonies, and preserving them in safety against all attempts to carry the said acts into execution by force of arms, these Colonies be immediately put into a state of defence.”

May 27: Congress forms “a Committee to consider on ways and means to supply these Colonies with ammunition and military stores,” that consists of George Washington, Samuel Adams, New York’s Philip Schuyler, Connecticut’s Silas Deane, and Pennsylvania’s Thomas Mifflin and Robert Morris.

May 30: Congress receives a letter from Benedict Arnold, who is at Crown Point. He warns that 400 British regulars have assembled at Fort Saint-Jean in southern Canada, and he expects that these men, with the help of Indian forces, will attempt to retake Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Arnold asks for reinforcement and supplies.

Congress begins to provide direction to the war effort. They pass a resolution calling for Connecticut to provide men and New York to provide supplies for the defense of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.

June 3: There is a tacit acceptance of the need for a Continental Army under Congressional supervision and direction, as evidenced by two sources:

1. The secret journal of the Continental Congress records the passing of a resolution “That a committee be appointed for the purpose of borrowing the sum of six thousand pounds… [for] the purchase of gunpowder for the use of the continental army.” [emphasis added].

2. The New York delegates to the Continental Congress send a letter to the New York Provincial Congress, in which they state: “We think it an object of great consequence to know in whom you would wish to vest the command of the Continental Army [emphasis added] in our Province… As General Officers will, in all probability, be shortly appointed by this Congress...”

The reason why discussions about the army are prolonged is revealed in a letter of this date by Silas Deane to his wife: “The Congress, tho' not numerous, are yet a very unwieldly Body, in their very nature, as no motion or resolution can be started or proposed but what must be subject to much canvassing before it will pass with the unanimous approbation of Thirteen Colonies whose situation and circumstances are various. And Unanimity is the basis on which we mean to rise...”

June 9: The secret journal of the Continental Congress records the passing of a resolution calling for New York to convey 5,000 barrels of flour to “the continental army” [emphasis added] in Massachusetts. There is still no consensus on the more difficult questions, including who will lead the army.

June 14: This date will come to be regarded as the birth date of the Continental Army. A committee is formed “to prepare Rules and Regulations for the government of the army.” The committee consists of Washington, Schuyler, Deane, Massachusetts’ Thomas Cushing, and North Carolina’s Joesph Hewes.

Congress also undertakes the raising of troops with the following resolution:

“Resolved, That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia… That each company, as soon as completed, march and join the army near Boston…

“That the form of the inlistment be in the following words:

“I [blank] have this day voluntarily inlisted myself as a soldier in the American Continental Army [emphasis added] for one year, unless sooner discharged: And I do bind myself to conform in all instances to such rules and regulations, as are or shall be established for the government of the said army.”

One of the Virginia delegates writes, “Col. Washington has been pressed to take the supreme command of the American Troops... and I believe will accept the appointment, though with much reluctance...”

June 15: Congress appoints George Washington “to command all the Continental Forces, raised or to be raised for the defence of American liberty.” He formally accepts this appointment on the 16th.

Sources:

Journal of the proceedings of the congress: held at Philadelphia, May 10, 1775.

Secret journals of the acts and proceedings of Congress, from the first meeting thereof to the dissolution of the Confederation, Vol 1.

Letters of members of the Continental Congress, Vol. 1.

Peter Force's American Archives.

Allen and Arnold 10

30 Days to Glory: May 18-19
Previous: May 15 - May 17

Thursday, May 18:

Major Charles Preston of the 26th Foot has his men up at an early hour and on the road to Saint-Jean. Ethan Allen had set up an ambush along this road with his Green Mountain Boys, but the British do not walk into a trap. The Green Mountain Boys are mostly asleep. The British open fire upon seeing men in the woods, and amid the rattle of musketry and grape shot, Allen’s men flee to their boats and head upstream. In their haste, however, three men are left behind. As all the British boats have been taken or destroyed, there is no pursuit.

John Brown is in Philadelphia where he meets with the delegates to the Continental Congress and tells them about the capture of Fort Ticonderoga. He is rewarded for bringing this valuable information. George Washington, a delegate from Virginia, contributes 1 guinea.

Brown alarms the delegates by alleging that the Governor of the Province of Quebec, Guy Carleton, is preparing for war. He warns that the British government “means to form an army in Canada, composed of British Regulars, French, and Indians, to attack the colonies...” Afterwards, the Continental Congress passes a resolution that portrays the Green Mountain Boys as would-be victims of British aggression:

“Whereas, there is indubitable evidence that a design is formed by the British Ministry of making a cruel invasion from the Province of Quebec upon these colonies, for the purpose of destroying our lives and liberties, and some steps have actually been taken to carry the said design into execution: and whereas several inhabitants of the northern colonies, residing in the vicinity of Ticonderoga, immediately exposed to incursions, impelled by a just regard for the defense and preservation of themselves and their countrymen from such imminent danger and calamities, have taken possession of that post in which was lodged a quantity of cannon and military stores that would certainly have been used in the intended invasion of these colonies...”

There is some question as to who should take responsibility for the captured lake forts. Neither Connecticut nor Massachusetts wishes to have on this role [cf. May 16 and 17], and New York has been little more than a well wisher to the efforts of its sister colonies [cf. May 2, May 5, and May 12]. The Continental Congress nudges New York along the path toward war by requesting that it take the lead in removing the cannon from Ticonderoga and in establishing “a strong post” to defend them. Like other military measures taken by the colonies to date, these steps are justified by “the overruling law of self-preservation.”

Sunday, May 19:

It is one month since the battle of Lexington and Concord. In Quebec, Governor Guy Carleton receives a letter from Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage describing that battle and requesting him to send the 7th Foot and some companies of Canadians and Indians to Crown Point. Tomorrow Carleton will be shocked when he learns from Moses Hazen of the loss of Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point and Benedict Arnold’s successful raid on Saint-Jean.

Arnold's flotilla on Lake Champlain ensures that the British cannot quickly recapture the lake forts. However, Arnold is concerned that in time the British will transport bateaus to Saint-Jean and challenge him for mastery of the lake. Captain Eleazer Oswald records that “It is Colonel Arnold's present design that the sloop Enterprise, as she is called, and the schooner Liberty, shall cruise on the lake, and defend our frontiers.”

Arnold ships return to Fort Ticonderoga, where more men of his still-forming regiment await him. Feeling triumphant, he dispatches word to Connecticut and Massachusetts of his success and his intention to begin sending cannon to New England. Arnold does not know yet that his efforts have received little notice nor that the decision has already been made to replace him [cf. May 17]. In the weeks ahead, Arnold will struggle hard, but without success, to retain his command. By his count, 86 guns were taken at Ticonderoga, and 111 at Crown Point. A large proportion are deemed “useless,” but the serviceable guns include big 24-pounder cannon and 13-inch howitzers. Because of command difficulties and various setbacks, it will not be until March of 1776 that the guns from the lake forts will have a decisive impact around Boston.

In the short-term, the capture of the lake forts is seen as another example of British weakness and growing American strength. Such incidents have made the public increasingly bellicose. Only a short time ago, the Ticonderoga expedition was seen as potentially undermining the Americans' claim to moral superiority, and its organizers distanced themselves from the potential fallout [cf. April 27 and April 28]. Now the capture is embraced by the Continental Congress. The changing mood is well expressed in a letter Congressional delegate Benjamin Franklin will write on the 23rd: “…as Britain has begun to use force, it seems absolutely necessary that we should be prepared to repel force by force, which I think, united, we are well able to do. It is a true old saying, that make yourselves sheep and the wolves will eat you; to which I may add another, God helps them that help themselves.”

Allen and Arnold 9

30 Days to Glory: May 15-17
Previous: May 11 - May 14
Next: May 18 - May 19

Monday, May 15:

Benedict Arnold’s expedition departs Crown Point for Saint-Jean. The winds continue to be unfavorable, so Arnold packs himself and 30 men into the bateau and they row hard down the lake. They spend the night at Split Rock, some 15 miles to the north, but far short of their destination. The Liberty is slow to follow, but at least it has the good fortune to intercept a mail boat traveling from Canada. On board is Ensign Joseph Moland of the 26th Foot, who is carrying a document listing all of the British troops in Canada. There are 717 to be exact: far more than the Americans can quickly muster.

James Easton is travelling through Massachusetts to bring word of the taking of Fort Ticonderoga to the Provincial Congress. While en route, he “met several hundred men… on their way to Ticonderoga.” These are very likely men that have responded to Arnold’s call to arms. Whether by design or not, Easton discourages many of these men from continuing onward when he tells them that the fort has already fallen.

Tuesday, May 16:

Benedict Arnold’s command enjoys a favorable wind for a good part of the day. The Liberty makes especially good time and overtakes Arnold in the bateau. The two vessels reach Point Au Fer before becoming becalmed. Arnold is still nearly 30 miles from Saint-Jean, but he is determined to press on as quickly as possible. According to one of his captains, “We immediately armed our two boats, manned them with thirty-five men, and determined, by dint of rowing, to fetch St. John' s, and take the place and the King' s sloop by surprise at break of day.”

The Richelieu River Valley

The Connecticut Committee of Correspondence writes to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress after learning that expeditions from the two colonies, while successful in taking Ticonderoga, came into conflict “about the right to command and hold this important pass.” The Committee feigns ignorance about the origins of the Connecticut expedition, writing that it was “set on foot by some individuals of this colony, in a secret manner.” At least two of the conspirators (Samuel Parsons and Samuel Bishop) are on the committee. Wishing to mend relations, they add, “We consider all the Colonies, and the New-England Colonies especially, as brethren united together in one joint interest, and pursuing the same general design… This is not a time for the Colonies to contend about precedency, but we hope all will wish to put out a helping hand, and mutually afford each other all necessary assistance against our common enemy.”

The Committee is happy to pass off responsibility for the fort to Massachusetts, noting “Some parts of your Province are more conveniently situated to furnish men, etc., for maintaining our possession. We doubt not you will exert yourselves to secure every advantage which may arise from this successful attempt, in which we hope the city and county of Albany, and the colony of Connecticut will co-operate with you, but of this we cannot assure you, as our calls are very many.”

Wednesday, May 17:

Benedict Arnold’s party spend the night “rowing hard” down Canada’s Richelieu River and at sunrise pull into “a small creek” on the western shore [see Note 1]. From there, one man is dispatched to reconnoiter the fort while his comrades wait impatiently amid “numberless swarms of gnats and mosquitoes.” When the man returns he reports that the guards “were unapprised of our coming, though they had heard of the taking of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.” After the canoe arrived with word of the American presence on the lakes, the British commander at Saint-Jean rode to Montreal to obtain reinforcements. The commander is expected back at any time, but for the moment, the outpost is without an officer. Arnold would write, “it seemed to be a mere interposition of Providence that we arrived at so fortunate an hour.”

Arnold’s men then row down to the fort and land a short distance from the barracks. According to Captain Eleazer Oswald, “the men [British soldiers] had their arms, but upon our briskly marching up in their faces, they retired within the barracks, left their arms, and resigned themselves into our hands.” Arnold’s men then proceed to take the sloop, nine other boats, and the military stores on site. In all, Arnold’s men take 1 sergeant and 12 men of the 26th regiment and 7 other men that are with the sloop [see Note 2]. While this is taking place, Arnold meets Moses Hazen, a retired British infantry who has extensive land holdings in the area. Arnold tells him of the capture of the lake forts and brags that he has “command of five hundred men, that volunteers to the amount of fifteen hundred followed him, but he did not wait for them all.”

Arnold has too few men to carry off all of the boats, and so five of the bateaus are destroyed. His expedition sets sail under a favorable wind just 2 hours after their arrival. Arnold sails aboard the sloop, which he renames Enterprise [see Note 3].

About six miles from Saint-Jean, Arnold’s men encounters Ethan Allen’s party. According to Allen, “When I met him [Arnold] with my party… he saluted me with a discharge of cannon, which I returned with a volley of small arms. This being repeated three times, I went on board the [captured] sloop with my party, where several loyal Congress healths were drank.” Allen announces that his men will continue to Saint-Jean, despite the successful conclusion of Arnold’s raid, and that they would “maintain the ground.” Arnold regards this is as “a wild, impracticable scheme,” but Allen remains determined. Arnold then supplies Allen’s men with provisions, “his men being in a starving condition.”

Allen’s men arrive at Saint-Jean that evening. At about 8pm, Joseph Bindon rides into his camp. Bindon is a Montreal merchant that is sympathetic to the American cause. He tells Allen that Major Charles Preston of the 26th Foot is leading a force of 140 men from Montreal to secure Saint-Jean. Allen requests through Bindon that the Montreal merchants supply his men with food, ammunition, and liquor. Allen also sets an ambush in the woods along the road leading to the fort. However, there is no confrontation: Preston camps for the night in the woods some distance away.

In Massachusetts, James Easton “brings the glorious news of the taking of [Ticonderoga] by the American forces without the loss of a man” to the Provincial Congress. He gives the Congress letters by Edward Mott and Ethan Allen written shortly afterwards and he is invited also to state his version of events. Easton elevates himself to a starring role. He claims that after entering the fort, “The commanding officer soon came forth; Colonel Easton clapped him upon the shoulder, told him he was his prisoner, and demanded, in the name of America, an instant surrender of the fort, with all its contents, to the American forces.”

The several accounts that the Provincial Congress receives either do not mention Benedict Arnold or refer to him in only the most scathing terms. Edward Mott's letter complains “Arnold refuses to give up his command, which causes much difficulty; said Arnold not having enlisted one man, neither do we know that he has or could do it… we think that said Arnold' s farther procedure in this matter highly inexpedient…”

Arnold wrote the Massachusetts Committee of Safety on May 10th and 11th. The first letter has disappeared. The second letter will not arrive for another 5 days. With this one-sided version of events, the Provincial Congress decides to divest itself of Arnold. The Congress writes the Connecticut Assembly and extends to them “congratulations… on the reduction of that important fortress, Ticonderoga.” The Congress is “of opinion, that the advantageous situation of that fortress makes it highly expedient that it should be repaired, and properly garrisoned.” They also “should be extremely glad if all the battery cannon, especially brass cannon, which can be spared from that place, or procured from Crown Point… may be forwarded this way, with all possible expedition…” The Congress suggests that Arnold should be responsible for bringing the cannon to Massachusetts, which will end the command controversy while allowing all parties to save face. Like Connecticut, Massachusetts believes that “our common danger ought to unite us in the strongest bonds of unity and affection.”

----------
Note 1: Possibly what was then known as the Petite-Rivière-du-Nord and today is called Rivière Bernier. This small river is about a mile from the fort.

Note 2: According to Arnold's May 19th letter to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. Guy Carleton (through Moses Hazen) claimed that 1 sergeant and 10 men were taken, and Eleazer Oswald claimed that Arnold took 14 prisoners.

Note 3: The first of a number of famous vessels by that name in American history [wikipedia].

Allen and Arnold 8

30 Days to Glory: May 11-14
Previous: May 9 - May 10
Next: May 15 - May 17

Thursday, May 11:

Benedict Arnold, a social climber who aspires for the respect of polite society finds himself powerless amid wild, lawless men. He complains in a second letter to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety that "The power is now taken out of my hands, and I am not consulted, nor have I a voice in any matters. There is here at present near one hundred men, who are in the greatest confusion and anarchy, destroying and plundering private property, committing every enormity, and paying no attention to public service." This last point is no small matter: the Green Mountain Boys have no interest in transporting the cannon from Ticonderoga to the American army outside Boston, and it's only a matter of time before the British forces in Canada learn that the fort has fallen and attempt to retake it.

Ethan Allen also has no illusions about what more his Green Mountain Boys can accomplish at Ticonderoga. He writes to the Albany Committee of Correspondence: "You know Governor [Guy] Carleton of Canada will exert himself to retake [Ticonderoga]; and as your county is nearer than any other part of the colonies, and as your inhabitants have thoroughly manifested their zeal in the cause of their country, I expect immediate assistance from you both in men and provisions. You cannot exert yourselves too much, in so glorious a cause. The number of men need be more at first, till the other colonies can have time to muster. I am apprehensive of a sudden and quick attack. Pray be quick to our relief, and send us five hundred men immediately — fail not.”

The Connecticut expedition has begun to disperse. John Brown is en route to Albany, and on about this date, Edward Mott heads for Connecticut while James Easton sets off for Massachusetts. Brown seeks provisions, Mott seeks men, and Easton seeks personal recognition.

The schooner at Skenesborough is rechristened the Liberty and sets sail for Fort Ticonderoga. Although Major Skene was captured by a party of Green Mountain Boys, the vessel is manned by men that Benedict Arnold recruited in western Massachusetts. They are trying to catch up with their commander.

Seth Warner sets off a second time for Crown Point. En route, his men sweep up suspected Loyalists lest they alert the fort's garrison. One Loyalist would complain about “a party of thirty armed American stragglers under command of a nominal captain or leader [see Note 1], who rushed impetuously into my grounds, where I was at work with my servant men labouring the fields, and calling us villains, robbers, and interloping Tories, ordered us to surrender; and having struck me with some severity, instantly made me prisoner, without giving any reason for this assault. Dragging us along in this violent manner, we were tossed promiscuously into one open boat upon the lake hard by, and there confined under a guard until that party had assaulted and taken Crownpoint… at four miles' distance from my settlement.”

Crown Point, a once mighty fort, burned down 2 years earlier, and the ruins (in which there are numerous cannon) is guarded by 1 sergeant and 12 men of the 26th. They surrender without a fight.

Friday, May 12:

Seth Warner writes Ethan Allen with alarming news. A “bark canoe” was seen traveling down the lake towards Canada, “by which means we suppose Governor [Guy] Carleton will hear what we have done.” Warner notes that Carleton “is a man of war; you can guess what measures he will take.” He then states “We determine to fight them three to one, but he can bring ten to one, and more. We should be glad of assistance of men, provisions and powder, and beg your advice whether we shall abandon this place and retire to Ticonderoga, or proceed to St. Johns [i.e., Fort Saint-Jean] etc., etc. The latter we should be fondest of.”

Bernard Romans captures Captain John Nordberg at Fort George. This was the last remaining British post between New York City and the Canadian border. [cf. New York: May, 1775].

John Brown meets with the Albany Committee of Correspondence, which has already twice rebuffed officers from the Connecticut expedition. Brown complains that “unless they are immediately assisted, they are afraid they will be obliged to abandon the fort, and leave the artillery behind, of which there are about two hundred pieces, great and small.” Again, Albany defers to New York, who has not yet responded to their urgent appeals. Albany writes pleadingly, “We hope you will no longer keep us in suspense.” The Committee records that Brown “is dissatisfied with our answer, and went away abruptly.”

Saturday, May 13:

The Albany Committee of Correspondence at last hears from New York. However, rather than provide encouragement, the New York Committee writes that “the powers invested in... us, are too limited... to take an active step in the matters proposed, before we have the opinion of the Provincial or Continental Congress.” The Albany Committee shares this news with John Brown, who then determines to go to Philadelphia and speak directly with the Continental Congress.

Ethan Allen’s position at Fort Ticonderoga is weakening as his men return to their farms and families. Meanwhile, Benedict Arnold’s position is growing stronger. Late in the day, the Liberty arrives at Ticonderoga, carrying about 50 of his men. The past few days have been hellish for Arnold and he is glad to be a commander again. He complains in his regimental memorandum book, about how he has spent the past several days “in the garrison as a private person, often insulted by [Allen] and his officers, often threatened with my life and twice shot at by his men with their fusees.”

Sunday, May 14:

By this time, Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold have learned that the British sloop is at old Fort Saint-Jean and that Canada will soon know of the capture of the lake forts. Tensions ease as Allen's men depart and Arnold's arrive; indeed, they settle into a kind of friendly rivalry. The two commanders agree on taking the sloop, but their efforts will be independent of each other.

Arnold has his men prepare two vessels for a raid on Saint-Jean. The Liberty is armed with four cannon and six swivel guns; a bateau is equipped with two swivel guns. Although winds are unfavorable, the two boats with 50 men set out for Crown Point, where they arrive late in the day. Allen’s expedition is larger in size but slower to get under way. By combining the resources he has at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, he will take into Canada 90 men in four bateaus. [see Note 2]

Before departing Arnold pens a letter to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety in which he is uncharacteristically contrite, writing “I am extremely sorry matters have not been transacted with more prudence and judgment.” He adds, “I hope soon to be properly released from this troublesome business, that some more proper person may be appointed…” In the meantime, Arnold has at least one indispensable ally: Bernard Romans, whom Edward Mott was glad to cast off [cf. May 4]. Arnold entrusts Romans with purchasing supplies in Albany and transporting cannon from Ticonderoga to greater safety at Fort George.

----------
Note 1: possibly Levi Allen or Peleg Sutherland, who are known to have accompanied this expedition. The account makes clear that it was not Warner.

Note 2: This version of events is based on Arnold’s correspondence and memorandum book and the journal of Eleazer Oswald. No mention is made of the presence of Allen’s boats at this time, implying that Allen and Arnold did not quite set out together. Ethan Allen’s later (and less trustworthy) memoir claimed that the two forces did leave Ticonderoga together, but in his version of events, Arnold had only the schooner, and the schooner sailed faster than his bateaus.

Allen and Arnold 7

30 Days to Glory: May 9-10
Previous: May 4 - May 8
Next: May 11 - May 14

Tuesday, May 9:

The town of Falmouth, Massachusetts (in what is today Maine), has had a tense relationship with a British vessel, the Canso (or Canceaux) stationed in its harbor. The town has been organizing on behalf of the American cause while the vessel has been suppressing rebellious activity. Neither side, however, wants to be initiate open warfare. Matters come to a head when one Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Thompson and a band of some 50 men arrive in town with the purpose of capturing the vessel – especially its valuable supply of gunpowder and cannon. Thompson’s men unexpectedly chance upon the vessel’s captain while he is walking on the beach, and capture him and two of his companions.

British forces in Newport and New York chose prudence over action in the face of colonial belligerence [cf. events of April 20, April 23, April 25, May 6]. This incident, however, is too serious to ignore. The lieutenant left in charge of the Canso threatens to “fire on the town” if the men are not released. To emphasize his point, he fires two cannon loaded with blank charges. A townsman would write, “You can hardly conceive the consternation, confusion, and uproar that immediately ensued. Our women, were, I believe, every one of them in tears, or praying, or screaming; precipitately leaving their houses… and carrying their children… Some persons bed-rid, or in childbed, were hastily removed, with no small danger of their lives.”

A few townsmen suggest trying to rescue the prisoners, but the consensus is “to observe a strict neutrality.” Instead, they rely on persuasion. At first, Thompson “appeared inflexible, and even furious” in response to their appeals, but by the end of the day he is “much cooled” and he paroles the prisoners.

There is no sign of a cooling off among the American forces gathering in the New Hampshire Grants. In Castleton, Benedict Arnold has tried to take command of the planned attack on Fort Ticonderoga. Connecticut did not officially sanction its own expedition, whereas Arnold has orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. Thus, Arnold claims, he alone is acting under a legal authority. When Arnold learns that Ethan Allen is in Shoreham, making final preparations for the attack, he sets off in search of him, hoping that he will cede his command.

According to Edward Mott, “When Col. Arnold went after Col. Allen, the whole party followed him for fear he should prevail on Col. Allen to resign the command.” Much to Mott's consternation, the men “left all the provisions, so that I with Capt. Phelps and Babcock was obliged leave the party that I was with, and go with the pack horses with the provisions...”

Epaphras Bull was one of the Connecticut men that went after Arnold. He records in his journal what happens next: “7 o’clock arrived at Shoreham within ½ mile of the lake [Champlain] where we had more intelligence of the security of the fort. Some disputes have arisen on account of Captain Arnold’s taking any command. [We] have however agreed that he take the left hand of Colonel Allen.”

In other words, Allen and Arnold, probably after a heated discussion, agree to hold a kind of joint command.

After this tenuous agreement is reached, Bull jots into his journal “½ after 11 [i.e., 11:30 PM] we are now marching on to the lake being ½ mile.”

To the south, Samuel Herrick’s men succeed in capturing Major Skene but they are unable to bring his schooner up to Shoreham for the planned rendezvous. Likewise, the boats from Crown Point fail to appear.

Wednesday, May 10:

Ethan Allen and his men have obtained a local boat and use it to begin crossing Lake Champlain to Fort Ticonderoga. According to Epaphras Bull:

“About 40 of us got into the first boat and went over within 80 rods of the fort where we waited for the bateau to return and fetch more. They returned in about 1 ½ hours with 2 boats when we proceeded to attack the fort which we reached in a few minutes.”

According to Ethan Allen, “the day began to dawn, and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort.” Allen now has about 85 men on the western shore, including Benedict Arnold and James Easton. Seth Warner is on the eastern shore with the remainder of the force. Edward Mott is further to the east, in charge of the pack horses. It is now about 4 AM.

Silently, the men march in the dark towards the fort's main gate. They are disappointed to find it shut. However, a small wicker gate to one side has been left open and a part of the men rush through this opening, while others commence scaling the wall of the fort on either side of the main gate. As they enter the fort, the men shout “no quarter, no quarter,” and make an “Indian war-whoop.”

Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold are the first two men through the wicker gate. On the other side, an alarmed British sentry levels his musket at Allen and pulls the trigger. The musket "snaps," but there is no discharge. Moments later, a second sentry also attempts to fire, but his musket likewise fails to ignite. Later the Americans would later discover that the fort's supply of gunpowder has been damaged. One of the sentries manages to prick a Green Mountain Boy with his bayonet, but he is promptly felled by a glancing blow from Allen's sword.

Barracks at Fort Ticonderoga

Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham of the 26th Foot is awakened by the commotion. He would later write, "I ran undressed to knock at Captain [William] Delaplace’s door and to receive his orders or wake him.” When Feltham found the door locked, he put on his waistcoat and coat and then made his way through a backdoor into the captain’s room. He then “asked Captain Delaplace, who was now just up, what I should do, and offered to force my way if possible to our men. On opening this door, the bottom of the stairs was filled with the rioters… From the top of the stairs I endeavored to make them hear me, but it was impossible.”

Feltham, awkwardly, is only partially dressed, holding his breeches in one hand. However, he makes the most of the situation. Upon “making a signal not to come up the stairs, they stopped and proclaimed silence among themselves.” Feltham then peppered them with questions, hoping to detain them “till our people fired, which I must certainly own I thought would have been the case.” He asked them, “by what authority they entered his Majesty’s fort, who were the leaders, what [was] their intent, etc., etc., I was informed by one Ethan Allen and one Benedict Arnold that they had a joint command, Arnold informing me he came from instructions received from the Congress at Cambridge, which he afterwards showed me. Mr. Allen told me his orders were from the province of Connecticut and that he must have immediate possession of the fort and all the effects of George the Third (those were his words).”

Feltham was assumed to be the fort’s commander and Ethan Allen held “a drawn sword over my head and numbers of his followers’ firelocks [were] presented at me.” Allen said if the fort was not surrendered, or “a single gun fired… neither man, woman, or child should be left alive in the fort.” Benedict Arnold then interjected “in a genteel manner.”

When the Americans discovered that Feltham was not the commander, Arnold dissuaded the Green Mountain Boys from storming Captain Delaplace’s room. Then, “Captain Delaplace now being dressed came out,” and surrendered.

By this time, most, if not all, of the rank and file have already been captured. Most were sleeping when the Americans stormed the fort. The Americans place these men in one room, with one guard allotted to each captured soldier.

Boats continue to make the long passage back-and-forth across the lake, and by 10 AM, there are around 240 Americans in the fort [see Note 1]. Curiously, one of the boats arriving that morning is British, rather than American. Lieutenant Arthur Wadman arrives from Canada; he was supposed to have relieved Lieutenant Feltham. Now both men are captives.

Benedict Arnold carefully studies the captured fort and finds it to be "in a most ruinous condition and not worth repairing." Edward Mott, recently arrived with provisions, agrees. He calls it “a fort of broken walls and gates, and but few cannon in order, and very much out of repair.” Meanwhile, Allen dispatches a party of about 50 men, led by Seth Warner, to capture Crown Point.

The volunteers take little interest in these military matters, and instead begin to plunder the fort, especially its stores of liquor. Soon they pass around “the flowing bowl.” Arnold is appalled and orders the men to stop. When they refuse to listen to him, he insists to the other officers that he should be placed in sole command. According to Mott, the volunteers “declared they would go right home, for they would not be commanded by Arnold.”

Mott then writes out orders giving sole command of the fort to Ethan Allen. He does this, he claims, “from the power and authority to us given by the Colony of Connecticut.” Arnold is sidelined and some of the volunteers threaten to kill him.

Arnold writes to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety about the capture of the fort and his current predicament. It's not known to whom Arnold entrusts this letter, but it is not to be delivered [see Note 2]. Meanwhile, Easton composes a scathing letter about Arnold to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, which will be received.

By the close of the day, Warner's expedition to Crown Point is called off, either because of insufficient men or headwinds. Allen orders Epaphras Bull to lead the British rank and file into captivity in Connecticut. The British officers and their families will be sent away later.

Far to the south, a party of delegates arrives in Philadelphia for the start of the second Continental Congress. The delegates hail from New England, New York, and New Jersey, but they are traveling together. Among them is Silas Deane, who writes to his wife that the entourage was met “about six miles on this side [of] the city by about two hundred of the principal gentlemen, on horseback, with their swords drawn… Thence began a most lengthy procession; half the gentlemen on horseback, in the van; next to them, ten men on horseback, with bayonets fixed; then [John] Hancock and [Samuel] Adams, then Payne [Robert Treat Paine], next Mr. [John] De Hart, next Col. [William] Floyd and Mr. [Simon] Boerum, in a phaeton, with two most elegant white English horses ; then your humble servant and Col. [Eliphalet] Dyer; then Father [Thomas] Cushing and John Adams; Mr. [Roger] Sherman next ; then Mr. [Philip] Livingston… Our rear closed with the remainder of the gentlemen on horseback, with swords drawn, and then the carriages from the city. At about two miles distance, we were met by a company on foot, and then by a company of riflemen… Thus rolling and gathering like a snow-ball, we approached the city, which was full of people, and the crowd as great as at New York; the bells all ringing, and the air rent with shouts and huzzas. My little bay horses were put in such a fright that I was in fear of killing several of the spectators; however, no harm was done, and after much fatigue we were landed at the New City Tavern.”

Once in town Deane learns that the other colonies have also taken up arms, and he optimistically projects “that on the whole, America has now more than one hundred thousand ready to take the field.” Unfortunately, for Deane this means that “The drum and fife are hourly sounding in every street, and my brainpan is this moment echoing to the beat, parading under my window.”

----------
Note 1: There is considerable variance on this count among the sources. Allen claimed 230, James Easton 240, and Feltham 300.

Note 2: Or so it would seem. I could find no evidence of its receipt in Peter Force's American Archives or the records of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress.

Allen and Arnold 6

30 Days to Glory: May 4-8
Previous: May 1 - May 3
Next: May 9 - May 10

Thursday, May 4:

The John Brown affair in Rhode Island ends in an unexpected manner. According to Ezra Stiles, “Brown was dismissed and came home to Providence last night..." The British could not prove that he had acted against the government, “upon which General Gage dismissed him, paid him for his flour, order[ed] the packets to be returned to Providence and to be paid Demorage, and has sent off a Reprimand to Captain Wallace of the Rose Man o’War here. A humbling stroke to the Tories!”

Gage’s conciliatory stance is taken for weakness: “An army of 30 thousand [Stiles’ estimate of the American force encamped around Boston] speaks terror. Divine Providence can easily disappoint the malice of men in a bad cause.”

Edward Mott spends a second day in Bennington in the New Hampshire Grants. Upon arriving, Mott met the man claiming that Ticonderoga, and “examined him strictly, and [found] that he was a lying fellow and had not been at the fort.” Whether he had been to the fort or not, there is at least some truth to his statement: Captain William Delaplace is concerned about an attack and he has been reinforced [see April 29]. Mott, however, is not overly concerned about this possibility. He is determined to go on, reasoning that even if the fort had been strengthened, the garrison “would not follow us out into the woods.”

The two men Mott sent to Albany on May 1st return empty-handed. Mott determines to try again because provisions are scarce in the New Hampshire Grants. This time he sends Bernard Romans, a Dutch-born but English-educated engineer. Mott notes, “we were all glad” to see him go, “as he had been a trouble to us, all the time he was with us.”

Mott’s party then turned to recruiting Green Mountain Boys and “proceeded to raise the men as fast as possible, and sent forward men on whom we could depend, to waylay the roads that lead… to Fort Edward, Lake George, Skenesborough, Ticonderoga or Crown Point, with orders to take up all those who were passing… so that no intelligence should go from us to the garrisons.”

Friday, May 5:

The Albany Committee of Correspondence meets with Bernard Romans, but they “decline taking any steps whatever until we have the opinion of the committee of the city of New York, to whom we have wrote and whose answer we expect in a few days.”

Fort Ticonderoga Area (click to enlarge).

Saturday, May 6:

A number of the delegates for the Continental Congress reach New York City. Silas Deane is incredulous at the reception waiting for them: “By the time we had got two miles from the bridge we found the road lined with carriages, and all ages and sexes, and the atmosphere one cloud of dust. Great order was however, though with difficulty, observed… a battalion of about eight hundred men in uniform and bayonets fixed, with a band of music, received us with the military salute, from the right, as we passed them in front, and when passed, we halted and they filed off before us, our guard falling into the rear. You can easier fancy than I describe the amazing concourse of people: I believe well nigh every open carriage in the city, and thousands on foot trudging and sweating through the dirt. At the Fresh Water, the battalion halted, and we again passed their front and received a second salute from the left, and were received by our friends, the delegates of the city. Then we halted, and the battalion again passed us in the same manner as before, and led us down the Main Street, to the corner of Wall Street; up that, and down the Broadway by the fort; then up to Fraunces’s Tavern, where the battalion halted, and we passed them again to the right and receiving the parting salute, with the huzzahs of the assembly, which by this time was much the largest I ever saw. The doors, the windows, the stoops, the roofs of the piazzas, were loaded with all ranks, ages and sexes; in short, I feared every moment lest someone would be crushed to death; but no accident. A little dispute arose as we came near the town,--the populace insisting on taking out our horses and drawing the carriages by hand. This would have relieved Mr. [John] Hancock’s horses, for they were tired, but mine were with difficulty managed amid the crowd, smoke and noise. Instantly a guard of grenadiers was set at each door where we lodged, and relieved regularly, in the usual way. They are in a blue and scarlet uniform, and make a genteel appearance…”

In the city there is a small number of the 18th Foot that dares not leave its barracks. According to Deane, one of the regiment recently deserted and joined a militia company from Connecticut. The deserter then decided he preferred the British army, and returned to the barracks. After this a Connecticut militia captain named Deming went after him, saying to the garrison, “’I care not who he deserted from; he put himself under my protection, and by God I’ll have him, or level the barracks over your heads.’” Deane gloats, “What reply, think ye, these heroes of five companies of the invincible Royal Irish [i.e., the 18th], gave to this pesky Yankey? Why they delivered him up, in the face of the whole city, and Deming carried him off in triumph.”

Sunday, May 7:

By the end of this day the Connecticut volunteers, the Massachusetts militia, and the Green Mountain Boys are to assemble at Castleton in the New Hampshire Grants. Castleton is about a day’s march from Fort Ticonderoga and a half day’s march from Skenesborough.

Monday, May 8:

At Castleton, Colonel Ethan Allen of the Green Mountain Boys is given command of the expedition and James Easton is made second-in-command. Seth Warner (another Green Mountain Boy) is made third-in-command. The leaders agree to send one Captain Samuel Herrick with a detachment of 30 men against Skenesborough. There, he will capture Major Skene and the schooner Katherine. Herrick's men will then bring the boat down the lake to Shoreham, on the eastern shore. From there, the Katherine will transport Allen’s men to Lake Ticonderoga. A volunteer is also dispatched to hire boats at Crown Point and take them to Shoreham.

Word of this expedition is spreading. Gurdon Saltonstall writes to Silas Deane from New London, Connecticut, boasting “You’ll soon have, I dare say, a good account of the northern cannon; the party were joined above in the most hearty manner.”

Benedict Arnold, who is now in the New Hampshire Grants, has also learned of the Connecticut expedition. Writing to local town leaders, he asks them “to exert yourselves, and send forward as many men to join the army here as you can possibly spare. There is plenty of provisions engaged, and on the road, for five hundred men six or eight weeks. Let every man bring as much powder and ball as he can, also a blanket.”

After sending this letter, Arnold rides north to Castleton. He arrives in the evening and meets most of the officers with the Connecticut expedition. According to Mott, “We were extremely rejoiced” when Arnold arrived, for his orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety showed that an important body supported their efforts. However, Mott and his companions “were shockingly surprised when Colonel Arnold presumed to contend for the command of those forces that we had raised, who we had assured should go under the command of their own officers, and be paid and maintained by the colony of Connecticut. But Mr. Arnold, after we had generously told him our whole plan, strenuously contended and insisted that he had a right to command them and all their officers.”

Allen and Arnold 5

30 Days to Glory: May 1-3
Previous: April 27 - April 30
Next: May 4 - May 8

Monday, May 1:

Edward Mott is in Salisbury, Connecticut, where he increases his party to 16. He notes, “we concluded it was not best to add any more, as we meant to keep our business a secret and ride through the country unarmed.” After crossing into western Massachusetts, two men are dispatched “to go to Albany in order to discover the temper of the people in that place.”

That evening, Mott’s party arrives in Pittsfield where they meet Colonel James Easton of the Massachusetts militia, and the attorney John Brown. Although Brown had recommended the seizure of Fort Ticonderoga to Samuel Adams and John Hancock, he has not contributed to the planning. Easton and Brown warn that there is “a great scarcity of provisions in the Grants, and as the people were generally poor, it would be difficult to get a sufficient number of men there.” Easton and Brown convince Mott that they should be allowed to recruit local militia and accompany the expedition. Easton then gathers 36 men from his regiment.

Tuesday, May 2:

Mott and Easton set out, ahead of the Massachusetts militia, for the New Hampshire grants. Some of the Connecticut men now further ahead send back a rider back with news that the British were “reinforced at Ticonderoga, and were repairing the garrison, and were every way on their guard.” This information comes from a man who claimed to have recently been at the fort and who warned “it was best for us to dismiss the men we had raised, and proceed no further, as we should not succeed.” Alarmed, Mott questioned the rider. “I asked who the man was, where he belonged, and where he was going," but the rider has no answers. Mott therefore “ordered that the men should not be dismissed but that we would proceed.”

The Albany Committee of Correspondence meets with the two men Mott dispatched on May 1. The committee records that they were “sent in consequence of a resolution of their provincial council [not true] founded on information that the garrison at Ticonderoga was furnished with several pieces of brass cannon or ordnance and many fine stand of arms, a quantity of gun powder and other military stores—They say that of the council that gave them the orders and directions was composed Messrs. [John] Hancock, [Samuel] Adams, [Robert Treat] Paine and others.” The two men claimed “their instructions were in writing but they have destroyed them for fear of discovery, and upon suspicions that we might be unfriendly to their project.” The committee notes “their determination in attempting this enterprise [even] should we discourage it.”

The Albany committee privately assures the two men they support their actions, but that they cannot accede to their request for help. The committee complains of “the many applications [for help] that have been and are daily made from the eastward" [i.e., New England]. “We are very scant of powder etc…. and the city is in a very defenseless situation, not a piece of artillery in it.” However, they also decline to provide provisions, which is within their means. The committee does not want to be held responsible for bringing New York into the war.

In Massachusetts, Joseph Warren is having second thoughts about having deferred to New York on a proposal to lead an expedition against Fort Ticonderoga. Warren meets with Artemas Ward about the proposed expedition, and evidently comes away deciding that immediate action should be taken. When the Committee of Safety meets later in the day, Benedict Arnold is given the rank of colonel and “appointed, to a secret service.” The committee votes him “one hundred pounds, in cash; and also order two hundred pounds of gunpowder, two hundred weight of lead balls, and one thousand flints, and also ten horses.”

Joseph Warren also takes time to respond to Governor Trumbull’s letter of April 28 to General Gage. Although the letter is unlikely to produce a reconciliation, Warren leaves no doubt where Massachusetts stands. He expresses “uneasiness on account of one paragraph in your letter, in which a cessation of hostilities is proposed. We fear that our brethren of Connecticut are not even yet convinced of the cruel designs of administration [i.e., the British government] against America, nor thoroughly sensible of the miseries to which General Gage’s army have reduced this wretched colony… Our people have been barbarously murdered by an insidious enemy, who under cover of the night have marched into the heart of the country, spreading destruction with fire and sword. No business but that of war is either done or thought of in this colony; no agreement or compact with General Gage will in the least alleviate our distress, as no confidence can possibly be placed in any assurances he can give to a people whom he has first deceived in the matter of taking possession of and fortifying the town of Boston, and whom he has suffered his army to attack in the most inhuman and treacherous manner. Our only relief now must arise from driving General Gage with his troops out of the country…”

Wednesday, May 3:

General Gage composes a long and dignified response to Governor Trumbull, in which he presents Britain’s view of events, but offers no concessions. There will be no rapprochement.

The governor of Rhode Island remains loyal to the British crown, and he similarly tries to dissuade his colony from the path to war. Writing to the Assembly, he pleads that “The prosperity and happiness of this colony is founded on its connection with Great Britain, ‘for if once we are separated, where shall we find another Britain to supply our loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein.’” He warns of “that ruin and destruction which, in my opinion, some of the orders of the late Assembly must inevitably involve them in, if they are not speedily repealed; for, besides the fatal, consequences of levying war against the King, the immense load of debt that will be incurred… will be insupportable, and must unavoidably bring on universal bankruptcy throughout this colony.”

The Rhode Island Assembly, far from backing down, names the officers that will lead its new army. Nathanael Greene will head the force. Ezra Stiles records in his diary that “The day has been melancholy.” “Governor Wanton affects to be ill and stays at home here in Newport; and so do all or most of the deputies of this [town]… intimidated by the threats of the Men o’ War [i.e., British ships]… However the [Newport] Light Infantry above 40 of them appeared in their uniform, made a very fine appearance, and marched all over the town; and in the afternoon a considerable large body of people appeared at the courthouse and on the parade.”

The province of New York is also steadily slipping out of British control. From New York City, Lieutenant-Governor Cadwallader Colden sends a litany of bad news to William Legge, Secretary of State for the Colonies: “The accounts which I have now to give will almost entirely destroy the expectations you have had reason to entertain of the conduct which this province would pursue… The certainty of losing all the debts due from the other colonies, which are very considerable, and every other argument of private interest that could influence the merchants or anyone, was industriously circulated. The minds of the people in the city were kept in constant agitation by riots and attempts to prevent the transports from loading here with stores, provisions etc. for the army… Several incidents combined to depress all legal authority and… which seemed to vanquish every thought of resistance to popular rage. In this unfortunate situation of the city the first accounts of an action between the King’s troops and people near Boston [i.e., Lexington and Concord] was published with horrid and aggravating circumstances. The people were assembled and that scene of disorder and violence begun which has entirely prostrated the powers of government and produced an association by which this province has solemnly united with the others in resisting the Acts of Parliament.”

In Connecticut, Silas Deane sets off for Philadelphia. The second Continental Congress will convene in one week.

Allen and Arnold 4

30 Days to Glory: April 27-30
Previous: April 23 - April 26
Next: May 1 - May 3

Thursday, April 27:

A Connecticut officer, Gurdon Saltonstall, writes Silas Deane, a delegate to the Continental Congress, about the situation at Boston. He notes that the Americans are encamped near Cambridge, Charlestown, and Roxbury, and he imagines the strategy by which the Americans might be able to take Boston: “from Charlestown batteries [i.e., American artillery placed on Bunker’s Hill], I imagine they can annoy the ships” which would permit the Americans to make “a descent on Boston.” He imagines that enough “flat-bottomed large flatts may be soon constructed, to transport ten thousand men at one embarkation, and be brought out of the adjacent towns on carriages, at an appointed hour.” Then, “batteries at Dorchester [i.e., Dorchester Heights, near Roxbury] may annoy the [British] ships so that troops may land at Boston on [the] south side, at [the] same time.” Of course, the Massachusetts provincials have few cannon, but it may be possible to obtain “battering cannon from Providence [Rhode Island], New Hampshire, and Salem [Massachusetts], soon, and in a month from even Crown Point.” This last point implies that he and Deane have already discussed raiding the British lake forts for cannon. However, Saltonstall doesn’t wish to commit too much information to paper, and notes, “Edward Mott will give you a delicate account of the maneuvers.”

Meanwhile, a meeting is underway in Hartford to organize an expedition against the British forts. The ringleaders are Silas Deane, Samuel Parsons, and Samuel Wyllys. Other persons brought into the planning are Christopher Leffingwell, Thomas Mumford, Samuel Bishop, Noah Phelps, and Bernard Romans. At the end of the meeting, Phelps and Romans are dispatched to organize the attack. The two men will travel first to Salisbury, in the northwestern corner of the province, and then head north to the New Hampshire Grants. Once there, they will enlist the Green Mountain Boys to carry out the actual attack. This plan makes use of a military force that already exists. It also allows Connecticut to distance itself from whatever political fallout will follow. The Americans have so far taken up arms only in self-defense. The expedition against the British forts entails an invasion of a neighboring colony (New York) and an attack on unoffending British troops.

Friday, April 28:

From Hartford, Governor Jonathan Trumbull writes Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage on behalf of Connecticut. He begins by complaining of the build-up of British military power in Boston and alleged British atrocities during the battle of Lexington and Concord: “It is feared… that we are devoted to destruction, and that you have it in command and intention to ravage and desolate the country. If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages been committed? Why is the town of Boston now shut up? And to what end are all the hostile preparations that are daily making, and why do we continually hear of fresh destinations of troops for this country? The people of this colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of taking arms against the troops of their sovereign, and dread nothing so much as the horrors of civil war; but, at the same time, we beg leave to assure your Excellency, that as they apprehended themselves justified by the principle of self-defense, so they are most firmly resolved to defend their rights and privileges to the last extremity.”

He then asks, “Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute submission, or the desolations of war? By that humanity which constitutes so amiable a part of your character, and for the honour of our Sovereign, and the glory of the British Empire, we entreat you to prevent it if possible. Surely, it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the Empire might even yet find expedients to restore peace, that so all parts of the Empire may enjoy their particular rights, honours, and immunities. Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be wished; and will it not be consistent with your duty to suspend the operations of war on your part, and enable us on ours to quiet the minds of the people, at least till the result of some further deliberations may be known?”

Meanwhile, Edward Mott rides into Hartford, bearing Saltonstall’s letter. He first encounters Christopher Leffingwell who asks him how he thought the people of Boston could be relieved. According to Mott, “I told him I knew not, except we went and took possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which I thought might be done by surprise, with a small number of men.” Encouraged by this response, Leffingwell brings Mott into the conspiracy, and has him meet Silas Deane and Samuel Parsons. According to Mott, “They told me they wished I had been there one day sooner; that they had been on such a plan, and that they had sent off Messrs. Noah Phelps and Bernard Romans.” Mott, who is to be a captain in Parson’s 6th Connecticut Regiment, is evidently trusted. When he offers to assist, they give him a letter to take to Phelps and Romans so that we may help “in conducting the affair and laying out the money.”

Saturday, April 29:

A reinforcement arrives at Fort Ticonderoga in the form of Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham and 10 men of the 26th Foot. According to Feltham, the fort’s commander, Captain William Delaplace, asked for assistance “in the course of the winter… as he had reason to suspect some attack from some circumstances that happened in his neighborhood.” Feltham's detachment is the second to reach the fort. Another was led to the fort some days earlier by William Dunbar, who is Town-Major for Quebec. Dunbar then set off to confer with Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston. He is now, however, a captive of the Americans, having run into their forces near Cambridge. The British in Canada and upstate New York are unaware that war has begun.

In Connecticut, a final meeting of conspirators takes place before Edward Mott sets off for the New Hampshire Grants. Among those present are persons from three different groups that have taken an interest in Ticonderoga: Samuel Parsons (who spoke about Ticonderoga with Benedict Arnold), Silas Deane (who appears to have independently developed the idea with Gurdon Saltonstall), and Samuel Adams and John Hancock (who appear to have gotten the idea from John Brown). [see Note 1]

Outside of Boston, Benedict Arnold’s company arrives at the American camp. Although he has marched without orders, his arrival is welcomed and the Massachusetts Committee of Safety orders that the commissary-general “provide suitable quarters” for his company.

The Massachusetts Committee of Safety also tallies up the meager number of cannon on hand. The colony can field a mere six 3-pounders that are in good condition and have ammunition. Seventeen other useless guns “will be taken out of the way.”

Sunday, April 30:

Arnold attends a meeting of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety -- most likely resplendent in the scarlet coat and buff facings worn by the Governor’s Foot Guard. Arnold asks to speak and reports “that there are at Ticonderoga eighty pieces of heavy cannon, twenty pieces brass cannon, from four to eighteen-pounders, and ten or twelve mortars; at Skenesborough, on the South Bay, three or four pieces of brass cannon; the fort [Ticonderoga], in a ruinous condition, is supposed to have about forty or forty-five men, a number of small arms, and considerable stores. A sloop of seventy or eighty tons [is] on the lake.” [cf. New York: May, 1775].

The news causes a stir, and the chairman, Joseph Warren, asks Arnold to submit a report in writing. Warren then writes the New York Committee of Safety: “It has been proposed to us to take possession of the fortress at Ticonderoga. We have a just sense of the importance of that fortification, and the usefulness of those fine cannon, mortars, and field-pieces which are there; but we would not, even upon this emergency, infringe upon the rights of our sister colony, New-York.”

----------

Note 1: Other persons alleged to have been at this meeting include Robert Treat Paine of Massachusetts, and Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.

Whether John Brown developed the idea to attack Ticonderoga on his own is an open question. Some writers have argued that the idea was suggested to him when he passed through the New Hampshire Grants in March.

Allen and Arnold 3

30 Days to Glory: April 23-26
Previous: April 19 - April 22
Next: April 27 - April 30

Sunday, April 23:

News of the battle of Lexington and Concord reaches New York City. A resident recorded that “this whole city was in a state of alarm; every face appeared animated with resentment. Soon after the news arrived by express, many citizens went to two transports loaded with bread, flour, etc., for the troops [i.e., provisions for the British army in Boston], and they were speedily unloaded… Many persons of influence, who have been thought inimical to the cause [i.e., Tories], now come out boldly and declare their sentiments worthy of themselves.” The city’s Sons of Liberty soon seize the city arsenal.

Meanwhile, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress is busy placing the colony on a war footing. A resolution is passed approving of an army of 30,000 men to defend Massachusetts, with 13,600 to be raised by the province and the remainder to come from neighboring colonies.

Monday, April 24:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock arrive in the town of Worcester. They are making their way to join the second Continental Congress (scheduled to begin May 10, in Philadelphia). They have been out of contact with the Massachusetts authorities since April 19, when they were nearly captured at Lexington and Concord. They complain to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, we “find no intelligence from you and no guard… How are we to proceed? Where are our brethren? Surely we ought to be supported…” The men are especially anxious to obtain a reliable account of the battle and of what has happened since to the American militia.

Tuesday, April 25:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock have lunch with one James Jeffrey, a Massachusetts-born resident of Quebec. Adams and Hancock have a special interest in Canada. The two men formed part of a special committee “to correspond with the inhabitants of Canada.” They sent one of their number, an attorney named John Brown, to stir up support for the American cause. At the end of March, Brown wrote from Canada to say: “One thing I must mention as a profound secret. The fort at Ticonderoga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be committed by the king’s troops. The people on New-Hampshire Grants [i.e., the Green Mountain Boys] have engaged to do this business, and, in my opinion, are the most proper persons for the job. This will effectually curb this province [Canada], and all the troops which may be sent here.” Jeffrey met Brown the day after this letter was written and he accompanied the bearer of the letter part of the way back to the American colonies. Jeffrey was at Ticonderoga from April 6-10, and he can provide a detailed description of the fort and its garrison.

John Brown’s Canadian trip was not a success. He travelled to Montreal where he met with various American sympathizers and distributed pamphlets, but he was unable to convince the Canadians to send delegates to the Continental Congress.

Brown has since returned to his western Massachusetts home of Pittsfield, where he has joined the local committee of correspondence. Brown and the other members (James Easton and Thomas Allen) are concerned that the Tories in nearby Kinderhook, New York will strike against his community. The committee writes to the Albany Committee of Correspondence for support. The following day, Albany demurs, noting that “we look upon [the threat] as entirely groundless.”

In Rhode Island, the danger that the Rose might bombard Newport does not prohibit the province's Assembly from convening and acting in support of Massachusetts. A resolution is passed that states “At this very dangerous crisis of American affairs; at a time when we are surrounded with fleets and armies, that threaten our immediate destruction; at a time when the fears and anxieties of the people throw them into the utmost distress, and totally prevent them from attending to the common occupations of life… it is thought absolutely necessary that a number of men be raised and embodied, properly armed and disciplined, to continue in this colony, as an Army of Observation; to repel any insults or violence that may be offered to the inhabitants; and also, if it be necessary for the safety and preservation of any of the colonies, that they be ordered to march out of this colony, and join and co-operate with the forces of our neighboring colonies.” It is widely assumed the 1,500-man army called for by the resolution will be sent to Boston.

Wednesday, April 26:

The frigate Rose seizes an American vessel as soon it as leaves Newport. The vessel, commanded by one John Brown (not the Pittsfield attorney), is carrying hundreds of barrels of flour to Providence to be used by Rhode Island’s “Army of Observation.” Brown is soon sent to Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston.

In Connecticut, the Assembly meets and requests that the governor open communications with British Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage. The mood, however, is warlike, and following the lead of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, the Assembly also authorizes an army.

Benedict Arnold, who is marching with his company of Governor’s Guards towards Boston, is appointed captain of the fifth company of the newly authorized 1st Connecticut Provincial Regiment. His colonel is David Wooster, with whom he clashed before setting out. At the moment, this organization exists only on paper as it will take some time to recruit and supply the men.

The Massachusetts authorities are unable to adequately supply the thousands of men from their own colony that have taken up arms outside Boston, much less those from neighboring colonies. One Connecticut officer notes that his troop “were not wanted at present” and that “[I] now find that most of the Connecticut troops are on the return.”

Arnold’s company remains on the march. On the road he meets Samuel Parsons, newly appointed colonel of the 6th Connecticut. Parsons complains of the lack of heavy cannon to drive the British from Boston. Arnold describes to him the weak state of Fort Ticonderoga and the large number of brass cannon that can be obtained there. Parsons will soon share this tidbit with others.

Allen and Arnold: 30 Days to Glory

Allen and Arnold: 30 Days to Glory
Part 1: Introduction
Next: April 19 - April 22

General:

Before I write about the American invasion of Canada, I’m going to spend some time with the series of events that set the stage for that invasion: the American seizure of Fort Ticonderoga (among other sites) in May, 1775. The seizure of Fort Ticonderoga is one of the more-frequently described events of the war. The present account differs from others in two respects. First, many histories have argued that the idea to attack Ticonderoga originated with either Benedict Arnold or Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. This account shows that the idea originated independently among at least three different individuals or groups of individuals. Second, this account is written in the form of a day-by-day synopsis of events taking place from April 19, 1775 (the battles of Lexington and Concord), to May 19, 1775 (the conclusion of the first, abortive invasion of Canada). Not only are the actions of Allen and Arnold described, but also those of their contemporaries. In this way, the account contextualizes the Ticonderoga campaign in terms of the wider British and American response to the start of the war.

Note: Quoted passages will be altered to bring them in line with modern standards for spelling, punctuation, and capitalization. I won’t be listing the sources used in each post (as I have laboriously for past projects), but in brief I am drawing upon Peter Force's American Archives, a number of journals and collections of correspondence, and Benedict Arnold’s regimental memorandum book. The interested reader who would like to know more about the sources is invited to leave a question in comments.

Links to posts in this series:

• Events of April 19 - April 22
• Events of April 23 - April 26
• Events of April 27 - April 30
• Events of May 1 - May 3
• Events of May 4 - May 8
• Events of May 9 - May 10
• Events of May 11 - May 14
• Events of May 15 - May 17
• Events of May 18 - May 19

New York: May, 1775

Below is a listing of British forces in New York's strategic Lake Champlain - Hudson River corridor in early May, 1775. Letters in bold refer to labels on the accompanying map (click to enlarge).

• A. Lake Champlain: The sloop Betsey.
• B. Crown Point: A ruined fort with a large number of cannon. Garrison: 1 sergeant, 12 rank and file of the 26th Foot.
• C. Fort Ticonderoga: A ruined fort with a large number of cannon. Garrison: Captain Delaplace and forty some men of the 26th Foot and the 4th battalion of the Royal Artillery.
• D. Skenesborough: Estate of Philip Skene. Garrison: Andrew Philip Skene, lieutenant in the 43rd Foot and brigade-major, several cannon, the schooner Katherine (or Catherine) and a number of former soldiers and other residents.
• E. Fort George: A ruined fort that serves as a way station for correspondence between New York and Canada. Garrison: Captain Nordberg, a retired officer of the 60th regiment who lives "in a little Cottage as a Hermit," and two caretakers.
• F. New York City: Garrison: 5 companies of the 18th Foot (about 100 men) and the sloop Kingfisher.

Green Mountain Boys

The Green Mountain Boys was a paramilitary organization in the New Hampshire Grants (today's Vermont) on the eve of the American Revolution. The New Hampshire Grants was a disputed territory that was settled in the mid-18th Century by New Englanders, but concurrently claimed by New York leading to competing land claims and occasional outbreaks of violence. A low point of this dispute was the "Westminster Massacre" of March 13, 1775, in which four Vermonters were shot by "Tories."

The Green Mountain Boys' first contributed during the American Revolution by seizing British assets on Lake Champlain, including Fort Ticonderoga (May 10, 1775), and Crown Point (May 12). Prior to the war and during the Lake Champlain campaign, the regiment was led by Ethan Allen. Subsequently, the regiment reformed under Congressional approval and Seth Warner was elected to head the regiment. They were uniformed in coats made of "coarse green Cloth," faced red.

Warner's regiment participated in the American invasion of Canada, where they served at the siege of Fort Saint-Jean and helped repulse a British relief force at Longueuil (October 30, 1775). The Green Mountain Boys also played a prominent role during the Saratoga campaign, especially at the battles of Hubbardton (July 7, 1777) and Bennington (August 16, 1777), and in the final encirclement of the British army at Saratoga. In later years, the regiment continued to serve on the northern frontier, including in defense of Fort George (October 11, 1780).

Below is a group of 15mm miniatures by Musket Miniatures and Stone Mountain Miniatures painted to represent the Green Mountain Boys.

For more on the Green Mountain Boys, see the website of the recreated Warner's regiment, and John E. Goodrich (1904). The State of Vermont: Rolls of the Soldiers in the Revolutionary War, 1775-1783.

For 28mm-high versions of the Green Mountain Boys by fellow bloggers, see here and here.