Why Washington?

The Second Continental Congress convened on May 10, 1775, and by June 3 there appears to have been some general agreement among the delegates that the Continental Congress would have to undertake the creation of a Continental Army. However, it's was not until June 14 that the Congress' plans became public [cf. Towards a Continental Army]. Why was Congress slow to act on so important a measure?

Delegate John Adams recalled, in his memoirs, that “Every post brought me letters from my friends, Dr. Winthrop, Dr. Cooper, General James Warren, and sometimes from General Ward and his aids, and General Heath and many others, urging in pathetic terms the impossibility of keeping their men together without the assistance of Congress.”

The chief difficulty, it seems, was on deciding who should lead this new army. The Congress was determined to act only when a unanimous decision had been reached, and on weighty issues this occurred only after a good deal of discussion had taken place. According to Delegate Silas Deane, “...no motion or resolution can be started or proposed but what must be subject to much canvassing...”

Three of the leading contenders for the position were Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, and George Washington.

In brief, Artemas Ward had served in the Massachusetts militia during the French and Indian War and now commanded the New England troops around Boston.

Charles Lee had the most military experience of any of the contenders. A recent immigrant to Virginia, he was a former British officer who fought in the French and Indian War, and then travelled to Europe and participated in the Russo-Turkish War, and the Spanish-Portuguese War.

George Washington served with distinction during the French and Indian War and rose to command a brigade of Virginia troops before the war's end. He had led more troops than the other contenders and was an important figure in a politically important colony.

John Adams went on to relate that there “was among the delegates, a Southern party against a Northern, and a jealousy against a New England army under the command of a New England General. Whether this jealousy was sincere, or whether it was mere pride and a haughty ambition of furnishing a southern General to command the northern army, (I cannot say); but the intention was very visible to me that Colonel Washington was their object, and so many of our staunchest men were in the plan, that we could carry nothing without conceding to it.”

In other words, Adams believed that it was necessary to support Washington in order to achieve a consensus. Nevertheless, it still took some time for a consensus to emerge. According to Adams:

“...the Massachusetts and other New England delegates were divided. Mr. Hancock and Mr. [Thomas] Cushing hung back; Mr. [Robert Treat] Paine did not come forward, and even Mr. Samuel Adams was irresolute. Mr. [John] Hancock himself had an ambition to be appointed commander-in-chief... In canvassing this subject, out of doors, I found too that even among the delegates of Virginia there were difficulties... In several conversations, I found more than one very cool about the appointment of Washington, and particularly Mr. [Edmund] Pendleton was very clear and full against it.”

Adams then sought to bring the matter to a resolution.

“I walked with Mr. Samuel Adams in the State House yard, for a little exercise and fresh air, before the hour of Congress, and there represented to him the various dangers that surrounded us. He agreed to them all, but said, "What shall we do?" I answered him, that... I was determined to take a step which should compel them and all the other members of Congress to declare themselves for or against something. "I am determined this morning to make a direct motion that Congress should adopt the army before Boston, and appoint Colonel Washington commander of it." Mr. Adams seemed to think very seriously of it, but said nothing.”

Adams then spoke in Congress and motioned “...that Congress would adopt the army at Cambridge [headquarters of the American army outside Boston], and appoint a General; that though this was not the proper time to nominate a General, yet, as I had reason to believe this was a point of the greatest difficulty, I had no hesitation to declare that I had but one gentleman in my mind for that important command, and that was a gentleman from Virginia who was among us and very well known to all of us... Mr. Washington, who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted into the library-room. Mr. Hancock, — who was our President, which gave me an opportunity to observe his countenance while I was speaking on the state of the Colonies, the army at Cambridge, and the enemy,—heard me with visible pleasure; but when I came to describe Washington for the commander, I never remarked a more sudden and striking change of countenance. Mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them. Mr. Samuel Adams seconded the motion, and that did not soften the President's physiognomy at all. The subject came under debate, and several gentlemen declared themselves against the appointment of Mr. Washington, not on account of any personal objection against him, but because the army were all from New England, had a General of their own, appeared to be satisfied with him, and had proved themselves able to imprison the British army in Boston, which was all they expected or desired at that time... Mr. Paine expressed a great opinion of General Ward and a strong friendship for him, having been his classmate at college, or at least his contemporary; but gave no opinion upon the question. The subject was postponed to a future day. In the mean time, pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity, and the voices were generally so clearly in favor of Washington, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition, and Mr. Washington was nominated, I believe by Mr. Thomas Johnson of Maryland, unanimously elected, and the army adopted.”

Scene from the HBO Miniseries John Adams: John Adams is introduced to George Washington. Adams first met Washington at the First Continental Congress (September, 1774).

Allen and Arnold 7

30 Days to Glory: May 9-10
Previous: May 4 - May 8
Next: May 11 - May 14

Tuesday, May 9:

The town of Falmouth, Massachusetts (in what is today Maine), has had a tense relationship with a British vessel, the Canso (or Canceaux) stationed in its harbor. The town has been organizing on behalf of the American cause while the vessel has been suppressing rebellious activity. Neither side, however, wants to be initiate open warfare. Matters come to a head when one Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Thompson and a band of some 50 men arrive in town with the purpose of capturing the vessel – especially its valuable supply of gunpowder and cannon. Thompson’s men unexpectedly chance upon the vessel’s captain while he is walking on the beach, and capture him and two of his companions.

British forces in Newport and New York chose prudence over action in the face of colonial belligerence [cf. events of April 20, April 23, April 25, May 6]. This incident, however, is too serious to ignore. The lieutenant left in charge of the Canso threatens to “fire on the town” if the men are not released. To emphasize his point, he fires two cannon loaded with blank charges. A townsman would write, “You can hardly conceive the consternation, confusion, and uproar that immediately ensued. Our women, were, I believe, every one of them in tears, or praying, or screaming; precipitately leaving their houses… and carrying their children… Some persons bed-rid, or in childbed, were hastily removed, with no small danger of their lives.”

A few townsmen suggest trying to rescue the prisoners, but the consensus is “to observe a strict neutrality.” Instead, they rely on persuasion. At first, Thompson “appeared inflexible, and even furious” in response to their appeals, but by the end of the day he is “much cooled” and he paroles the prisoners.

There is no sign of a cooling off among the American forces gathering in the New Hampshire Grants. In Castleton, Benedict Arnold has tried to take command of the planned attack on Fort Ticonderoga. Connecticut did not officially sanction its own expedition, whereas Arnold has orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. Thus, Arnold claims, he alone is acting under a legal authority. When Arnold learns that Ethan Allen is in Shoreham, making final preparations for the attack, he sets off in search of him, hoping that he will cede his command.

According to Edward Mott, “When Col. Arnold went after Col. Allen, the whole party followed him for fear he should prevail on Col. Allen to resign the command.” Much to Mott's consternation, the men “left all the provisions, so that I with Capt. Phelps and Babcock was obliged leave the party that I was with, and go with the pack horses with the provisions...”

Epaphras Bull was one of the Connecticut men that went after Arnold. He records in his journal what happens next: “7 o’clock arrived at Shoreham within ½ mile of the lake [Champlain] where we had more intelligence of the security of the fort. Some disputes have arisen on account of Captain Arnold’s taking any command. [We] have however agreed that he take the left hand of Colonel Allen.”

In other words, Allen and Arnold, probably after a heated discussion, agree to hold a kind of joint command.

After this tenuous agreement is reached, Bull jots into his journal “½ after 11 [i.e., 11:30 PM] we are now marching on to the lake being ½ mile.”

To the south, Samuel Herrick’s men succeed in capturing Major Skene but they are unable to bring his schooner up to Shoreham for the planned rendezvous. Likewise, the boats from Crown Point fail to appear.

Wednesday, May 10:

Ethan Allen and his men have obtained a local boat and use it to begin crossing Lake Champlain to Fort Ticonderoga. According to Epaphras Bull:

“About 40 of us got into the first boat and went over within 80 rods of the fort where we waited for the bateau to return and fetch more. They returned in about 1 ½ hours with 2 boats when we proceeded to attack the fort which we reached in a few minutes.”

According to Ethan Allen, “the day began to dawn, and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort.” Allen now has about 85 men on the western shore, including Benedict Arnold and James Easton. Seth Warner is on the eastern shore with the remainder of the force. Edward Mott is further to the east, in charge of the pack horses. It is now about 4 AM.

Silently, the men march in the dark towards the fort's main gate. They are disappointed to find it shut. However, a small wicker gate to one side has been left open and a part of the men rush through this opening, while others commence scaling the wall of the fort on either side of the main gate. As they enter the fort, the men shout “no quarter, no quarter,” and make an “Indian war-whoop.”

Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold are the first two men through the wicker gate. On the other side, an alarmed British sentry levels his musket at Allen and pulls the trigger. The musket "snaps," but there is no discharge. Moments later, a second sentry also attempts to fire, but his musket likewise fails to ignite. Later the Americans would later discover that the fort's supply of gunpowder has been damaged. One of the sentries manages to prick a Green Mountain Boy with his bayonet, but he is promptly felled by a glancing blow from Allen's sword.

Barracks at Fort Ticonderoga

Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham of the 26th Foot is awakened by the commotion. He would later write, "I ran undressed to knock at Captain [William] Delaplace’s door and to receive his orders or wake him.” When Feltham found the door locked, he put on his waistcoat and coat and then made his way through a backdoor into the captain’s room. He then “asked Captain Delaplace, who was now just up, what I should do, and offered to force my way if possible to our men. On opening this door, the bottom of the stairs was filled with the rioters… From the top of the stairs I endeavored to make them hear me, but it was impossible.”

Feltham, awkwardly, is only partially dressed, holding his breeches in one hand. However, he makes the most of the situation. Upon “making a signal not to come up the stairs, they stopped and proclaimed silence among themselves.” Feltham then peppered them with questions, hoping to detain them “till our people fired, which I must certainly own I thought would have been the case.” He asked them, “by what authority they entered his Majesty’s fort, who were the leaders, what [was] their intent, etc., etc., I was informed by one Ethan Allen and one Benedict Arnold that they had a joint command, Arnold informing me he came from instructions received from the Congress at Cambridge, which he afterwards showed me. Mr. Allen told me his orders were from the province of Connecticut and that he must have immediate possession of the fort and all the effects of George the Third (those were his words).”

Feltham was assumed to be the fort’s commander and Ethan Allen held “a drawn sword over my head and numbers of his followers’ firelocks [were] presented at me.” Allen said if the fort was not surrendered, or “a single gun fired… neither man, woman, or child should be left alive in the fort.” Benedict Arnold then interjected “in a genteel manner.”

When the Americans discovered that Feltham was not the commander, Arnold dissuaded the Green Mountain Boys from storming Captain Delaplace’s room. Then, “Captain Delaplace now being dressed came out,” and surrendered.

By this time, most, if not all, of the rank and file have already been captured. Most were sleeping when the Americans stormed the fort. The Americans place these men in one room, with one guard allotted to each captured soldier.

Boats continue to make the long passage back-and-forth across the lake, and by 10 AM, there are around 240 Americans in the fort [see Note 1]. Curiously, one of the boats arriving that morning is British, rather than American. Lieutenant Arthur Wadman arrives from Canada; he was supposed to have relieved Lieutenant Feltham. Now both men are captives.

Benedict Arnold carefully studies the captured fort and finds it to be "in a most ruinous condition and not worth repairing." Edward Mott, recently arrived with provisions, agrees. He calls it “a fort of broken walls and gates, and but few cannon in order, and very much out of repair.” Meanwhile, Allen dispatches a party of about 50 men, led by Seth Warner, to capture Crown Point.

The volunteers take little interest in these military matters, and instead begin to plunder the fort, especially its stores of liquor. Soon they pass around “the flowing bowl.” Arnold is appalled and orders the men to stop. When they refuse to listen to him, he insists to the other officers that he should be placed in sole command. According to Mott, the volunteers “declared they would go right home, for they would not be commanded by Arnold.”

Mott then writes out orders giving sole command of the fort to Ethan Allen. He does this, he claims, “from the power and authority to us given by the Colony of Connecticut.” Arnold is sidelined and some of the volunteers threaten to kill him.

Arnold writes to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety about the capture of the fort and his current predicament. It's not known to whom Arnold entrusts this letter, but it is not to be delivered [see Note 2]. Meanwhile, Easton composes a scathing letter about Arnold to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, which will be received.

By the close of the day, Warner's expedition to Crown Point is called off, either because of insufficient men or headwinds. Allen orders Epaphras Bull to lead the British rank and file into captivity in Connecticut. The British officers and their families will be sent away later.

Far to the south, a party of delegates arrives in Philadelphia for the start of the second Continental Congress. The delegates hail from New England, New York, and New Jersey, but they are traveling together. Among them is Silas Deane, who writes to his wife that the entourage was met “about six miles on this side [of] the city by about two hundred of the principal gentlemen, on horseback, with their swords drawn… Thence began a most lengthy procession; half the gentlemen on horseback, in the van; next to them, ten men on horseback, with bayonets fixed; then [John] Hancock and [Samuel] Adams, then Payne [Robert Treat Paine], next Mr. [John] De Hart, next Col. [William] Floyd and Mr. [Simon] Boerum, in a phaeton, with two most elegant white English horses ; then your humble servant and Col. [Eliphalet] Dyer; then Father [Thomas] Cushing and John Adams; Mr. [Roger] Sherman next ; then Mr. [Philip] Livingston… Our rear closed with the remainder of the gentlemen on horseback, with swords drawn, and then the carriages from the city. At about two miles distance, we were met by a company on foot, and then by a company of riflemen… Thus rolling and gathering like a snow-ball, we approached the city, which was full of people, and the crowd as great as at New York; the bells all ringing, and the air rent with shouts and huzzas. My little bay horses were put in such a fright that I was in fear of killing several of the spectators; however, no harm was done, and after much fatigue we were landed at the New City Tavern.”

Once in town Deane learns that the other colonies have also taken up arms, and he optimistically projects “that on the whole, America has now more than one hundred thousand ready to take the field.” Unfortunately, for Deane this means that “The drum and fife are hourly sounding in every street, and my brainpan is this moment echoing to the beat, parading under my window.”

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Note 1: There is considerable variance on this count among the sources. Allen claimed 230, James Easton 240, and Feltham 300.

Note 2: Or so it would seem. I could find no evidence of its receipt in Peter Force's American Archives or the records of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress.

Allen and Arnold 6

30 Days to Glory: May 4-8
Previous: May 1 - May 3
Next: May 9 - May 10

Thursday, May 4:

The John Brown affair in Rhode Island ends in an unexpected manner. According to Ezra Stiles, “Brown was dismissed and came home to Providence last night..." The British could not prove that he had acted against the government, “upon which General Gage dismissed him, paid him for his flour, order[ed] the packets to be returned to Providence and to be paid Demorage, and has sent off a Reprimand to Captain Wallace of the Rose Man o’War here. A humbling stroke to the Tories!”

Gage’s conciliatory stance is taken for weakness: “An army of 30 thousand [Stiles’ estimate of the American force encamped around Boston] speaks terror. Divine Providence can easily disappoint the malice of men in a bad cause.”

Edward Mott spends a second day in Bennington in the New Hampshire Grants. Upon arriving, Mott met the man claiming that Ticonderoga, and “examined him strictly, and [found] that he was a lying fellow and had not been at the fort.” Whether he had been to the fort or not, there is at least some truth to his statement: Captain William Delaplace is concerned about an attack and he has been reinforced [see April 29]. Mott, however, is not overly concerned about this possibility. He is determined to go on, reasoning that even if the fort had been strengthened, the garrison “would not follow us out into the woods.”

The two men Mott sent to Albany on May 1st return empty-handed. Mott determines to try again because provisions are scarce in the New Hampshire Grants. This time he sends Bernard Romans, a Dutch-born but English-educated engineer. Mott notes, “we were all glad” to see him go, “as he had been a trouble to us, all the time he was with us.”

Mott’s party then turned to recruiting Green Mountain Boys and “proceeded to raise the men as fast as possible, and sent forward men on whom we could depend, to waylay the roads that lead… to Fort Edward, Lake George, Skenesborough, Ticonderoga or Crown Point, with orders to take up all those who were passing… so that no intelligence should go from us to the garrisons.”

Friday, May 5:

The Albany Committee of Correspondence meets with Bernard Romans, but they “decline taking any steps whatever until we have the opinion of the committee of the city of New York, to whom we have wrote and whose answer we expect in a few days.”

Fort Ticonderoga Area (click to enlarge).

Saturday, May 6:

A number of the delegates for the Continental Congress reach New York City. Silas Deane is incredulous at the reception waiting for them: “By the time we had got two miles from the bridge we found the road lined with carriages, and all ages and sexes, and the atmosphere one cloud of dust. Great order was however, though with difficulty, observed… a battalion of about eight hundred men in uniform and bayonets fixed, with a band of music, received us with the military salute, from the right, as we passed them in front, and when passed, we halted and they filed off before us, our guard falling into the rear. You can easier fancy than I describe the amazing concourse of people: I believe well nigh every open carriage in the city, and thousands on foot trudging and sweating through the dirt. At the Fresh Water, the battalion halted, and we again passed their front and received a second salute from the left, and were received by our friends, the delegates of the city. Then we halted, and the battalion again passed us in the same manner as before, and led us down the Main Street, to the corner of Wall Street; up that, and down the Broadway by the fort; then up to Fraunces’s Tavern, where the battalion halted, and we passed them again to the right and receiving the parting salute, with the huzzahs of the assembly, which by this time was much the largest I ever saw. The doors, the windows, the stoops, the roofs of the piazzas, were loaded with all ranks, ages and sexes; in short, I feared every moment lest someone would be crushed to death; but no accident. A little dispute arose as we came near the town,--the populace insisting on taking out our horses and drawing the carriages by hand. This would have relieved Mr. [John] Hancock’s horses, for they were tired, but mine were with difficulty managed amid the crowd, smoke and noise. Instantly a guard of grenadiers was set at each door where we lodged, and relieved regularly, in the usual way. They are in a blue and scarlet uniform, and make a genteel appearance…”

In the city there is a small number of the 18th Foot that dares not leave its barracks. According to Deane, one of the regiment recently deserted and joined a militia company from Connecticut. The deserter then decided he preferred the British army, and returned to the barracks. After this a Connecticut militia captain named Deming went after him, saying to the garrison, “’I care not who he deserted from; he put himself under my protection, and by God I’ll have him, or level the barracks over your heads.’” Deane gloats, “What reply, think ye, these heroes of five companies of the invincible Royal Irish [i.e., the 18th], gave to this pesky Yankey? Why they delivered him up, in the face of the whole city, and Deming carried him off in triumph.”

Sunday, May 7:

By the end of this day the Connecticut volunteers, the Massachusetts militia, and the Green Mountain Boys are to assemble at Castleton in the New Hampshire Grants. Castleton is about a day’s march from Fort Ticonderoga and a half day’s march from Skenesborough.

Monday, May 8:

At Castleton, Colonel Ethan Allen of the Green Mountain Boys is given command of the expedition and James Easton is made second-in-command. Seth Warner (another Green Mountain Boy) is made third-in-command. The leaders agree to send one Captain Samuel Herrick with a detachment of 30 men against Skenesborough. There, he will capture Major Skene and the schooner Katherine. Herrick's men will then bring the boat down the lake to Shoreham, on the eastern shore. From there, the Katherine will transport Allen’s men to Lake Ticonderoga. A volunteer is also dispatched to hire boats at Crown Point and take them to Shoreham.

Word of this expedition is spreading. Gurdon Saltonstall writes to Silas Deane from New London, Connecticut, boasting “You’ll soon have, I dare say, a good account of the northern cannon; the party were joined above in the most hearty manner.”

Benedict Arnold, who is now in the New Hampshire Grants, has also learned of the Connecticut expedition. Writing to local town leaders, he asks them “to exert yourselves, and send forward as many men to join the army here as you can possibly spare. There is plenty of provisions engaged, and on the road, for five hundred men six or eight weeks. Let every man bring as much powder and ball as he can, also a blanket.”

After sending this letter, Arnold rides north to Castleton. He arrives in the evening and meets most of the officers with the Connecticut expedition. According to Mott, “We were extremely rejoiced” when Arnold arrived, for his orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety showed that an important body supported their efforts. However, Mott and his companions “were shockingly surprised when Colonel Arnold presumed to contend for the command of those forces that we had raised, who we had assured should go under the command of their own officers, and be paid and maintained by the colony of Connecticut. But Mr. Arnold, after we had generously told him our whole plan, strenuously contended and insisted that he had a right to command them and all their officers.”

Allen and Arnold 4

30 Days to Glory: April 27-30
Previous: April 23 - April 26
Next: May 1 - May 3

Thursday, April 27:

A Connecticut officer, Gurdon Saltonstall, writes Silas Deane, a delegate to the Continental Congress, about the situation at Boston. He notes that the Americans are encamped near Cambridge, Charlestown, and Roxbury, and he imagines the strategy by which the Americans might be able to take Boston: “from Charlestown batteries [i.e., American artillery placed on Bunker’s Hill], I imagine they can annoy the ships” which would permit the Americans to make “a descent on Boston.” He imagines that enough “flat-bottomed large flatts may be soon constructed, to transport ten thousand men at one embarkation, and be brought out of the adjacent towns on carriages, at an appointed hour.” Then, “batteries at Dorchester [i.e., Dorchester Heights, near Roxbury] may annoy the [British] ships so that troops may land at Boston on [the] south side, at [the] same time.” Of course, the Massachusetts provincials have few cannon, but it may be possible to obtain “battering cannon from Providence [Rhode Island], New Hampshire, and Salem [Massachusetts], soon, and in a month from even Crown Point.” This last point implies that he and Deane have already discussed raiding the British lake forts for cannon. However, Saltonstall doesn’t wish to commit too much information to paper, and notes, “Edward Mott will give you a delicate account of the maneuvers.”

Meanwhile, a meeting is underway in Hartford to organize an expedition against the British forts. The ringleaders are Silas Deane, Samuel Parsons, and Samuel Wyllys. Other persons brought into the planning are Christopher Leffingwell, Thomas Mumford, Samuel Bishop, Noah Phelps, and Bernard Romans. At the end of the meeting, Phelps and Romans are dispatched to organize the attack. The two men will travel first to Salisbury, in the northwestern corner of the province, and then head north to the New Hampshire Grants. Once there, they will enlist the Green Mountain Boys to carry out the actual attack. This plan makes use of a military force that already exists. It also allows Connecticut to distance itself from whatever political fallout will follow. The Americans have so far taken up arms only in self-defense. The expedition against the British forts entails an invasion of a neighboring colony (New York) and an attack on unoffending British troops.

Friday, April 28:

From Hartford, Governor Jonathan Trumbull writes Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage on behalf of Connecticut. He begins by complaining of the build-up of British military power in Boston and alleged British atrocities during the battle of Lexington and Concord: “It is feared… that we are devoted to destruction, and that you have it in command and intention to ravage and desolate the country. If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages been committed? Why is the town of Boston now shut up? And to what end are all the hostile preparations that are daily making, and why do we continually hear of fresh destinations of troops for this country? The people of this colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of taking arms against the troops of their sovereign, and dread nothing so much as the horrors of civil war; but, at the same time, we beg leave to assure your Excellency, that as they apprehended themselves justified by the principle of self-defense, so they are most firmly resolved to defend their rights and privileges to the last extremity.”

He then asks, “Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute submission, or the desolations of war? By that humanity which constitutes so amiable a part of your character, and for the honour of our Sovereign, and the glory of the British Empire, we entreat you to prevent it if possible. Surely, it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the Empire might even yet find expedients to restore peace, that so all parts of the Empire may enjoy their particular rights, honours, and immunities. Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be wished; and will it not be consistent with your duty to suspend the operations of war on your part, and enable us on ours to quiet the minds of the people, at least till the result of some further deliberations may be known?”

Meanwhile, Edward Mott rides into Hartford, bearing Saltonstall’s letter. He first encounters Christopher Leffingwell who asks him how he thought the people of Boston could be relieved. According to Mott, “I told him I knew not, except we went and took possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which I thought might be done by surprise, with a small number of men.” Encouraged by this response, Leffingwell brings Mott into the conspiracy, and has him meet Silas Deane and Samuel Parsons. According to Mott, “They told me they wished I had been there one day sooner; that they had been on such a plan, and that they had sent off Messrs. Noah Phelps and Bernard Romans.” Mott, who is to be a captain in Parson’s 6th Connecticut Regiment, is evidently trusted. When he offers to assist, they give him a letter to take to Phelps and Romans so that we may help “in conducting the affair and laying out the money.”

Saturday, April 29:

A reinforcement arrives at Fort Ticonderoga in the form of Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham and 10 men of the 26th Foot. According to Feltham, the fort’s commander, Captain William Delaplace, asked for assistance “in the course of the winter… as he had reason to suspect some attack from some circumstances that happened in his neighborhood.” Feltham's detachment is the second to reach the fort. Another was led to the fort some days earlier by William Dunbar, who is Town-Major for Quebec. Dunbar then set off to confer with Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston. He is now, however, a captive of the Americans, having run into their forces near Cambridge. The British in Canada and upstate New York are unaware that war has begun.

In Connecticut, a final meeting of conspirators takes place before Edward Mott sets off for the New Hampshire Grants. Among those present are persons from three different groups that have taken an interest in Ticonderoga: Samuel Parsons (who spoke about Ticonderoga with Benedict Arnold), Silas Deane (who appears to have independently developed the idea with Gurdon Saltonstall), and Samuel Adams and John Hancock (who appear to have gotten the idea from John Brown). [see Note 1]

Outside of Boston, Benedict Arnold’s company arrives at the American camp. Although he has marched without orders, his arrival is welcomed and the Massachusetts Committee of Safety orders that the commissary-general “provide suitable quarters” for his company.

The Massachusetts Committee of Safety also tallies up the meager number of cannon on hand. The colony can field a mere six 3-pounders that are in good condition and have ammunition. Seventeen other useless guns “will be taken out of the way.”

Sunday, April 30:

Arnold attends a meeting of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety -- most likely resplendent in the scarlet coat and buff facings worn by the Governor’s Foot Guard. Arnold asks to speak and reports “that there are at Ticonderoga eighty pieces of heavy cannon, twenty pieces brass cannon, from four to eighteen-pounders, and ten or twelve mortars; at Skenesborough, on the South Bay, three or four pieces of brass cannon; the fort [Ticonderoga], in a ruinous condition, is supposed to have about forty or forty-five men, a number of small arms, and considerable stores. A sloop of seventy or eighty tons [is] on the lake.” [cf. New York: May, 1775].

The news causes a stir, and the chairman, Joseph Warren, asks Arnold to submit a report in writing. Warren then writes the New York Committee of Safety: “It has been proposed to us to take possession of the fortress at Ticonderoga. We have a just sense of the importance of that fortification, and the usefulness of those fine cannon, mortars, and field-pieces which are there; but we would not, even upon this emergency, infringe upon the rights of our sister colony, New-York.”

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Note 1: Other persons alleged to have been at this meeting include Robert Treat Paine of Massachusetts, and Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.

Whether John Brown developed the idea to attack Ticonderoga on his own is an open question. Some writers have argued that the idea was suggested to him when he passed through the New Hampshire Grants in March.

Allen and Arnold 3

30 Days to Glory: April 23-26
Previous: April 19 - April 22
Next: April 27 - April 30

Sunday, April 23:

News of the battle of Lexington and Concord reaches New York City. A resident recorded that “this whole city was in a state of alarm; every face appeared animated with resentment. Soon after the news arrived by express, many citizens went to two transports loaded with bread, flour, etc., for the troops [i.e., provisions for the British army in Boston], and they were speedily unloaded… Many persons of influence, who have been thought inimical to the cause [i.e., Tories], now come out boldly and declare their sentiments worthy of themselves.” The city’s Sons of Liberty soon seize the city arsenal.

Meanwhile, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress is busy placing the colony on a war footing. A resolution is passed approving of an army of 30,000 men to defend Massachusetts, with 13,600 to be raised by the province and the remainder to come from neighboring colonies.

Monday, April 24:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock arrive in the town of Worcester. They are making their way to join the second Continental Congress (scheduled to begin May 10, in Philadelphia). They have been out of contact with the Massachusetts authorities since April 19, when they were nearly captured at Lexington and Concord. They complain to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, we “find no intelligence from you and no guard… How are we to proceed? Where are our brethren? Surely we ought to be supported…” The men are especially anxious to obtain a reliable account of the battle and of what has happened since to the American militia.

Tuesday, April 25:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock have lunch with one James Jeffrey, a Massachusetts-born resident of Quebec. Adams and Hancock have a special interest in Canada. The two men formed part of a special committee “to correspond with the inhabitants of Canada.” They sent one of their number, an attorney named John Brown, to stir up support for the American cause. At the end of March, Brown wrote from Canada to say: “One thing I must mention as a profound secret. The fort at Ticonderoga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be committed by the king’s troops. The people on New-Hampshire Grants [i.e., the Green Mountain Boys] have engaged to do this business, and, in my opinion, are the most proper persons for the job. This will effectually curb this province [Canada], and all the troops which may be sent here.” Jeffrey met Brown the day after this letter was written and he accompanied the bearer of the letter part of the way back to the American colonies. Jeffrey was at Ticonderoga from April 6-10, and he can provide a detailed description of the fort and its garrison.

John Brown’s Canadian trip was not a success. He travelled to Montreal where he met with various American sympathizers and distributed pamphlets, but he was unable to convince the Canadians to send delegates to the Continental Congress.

Brown has since returned to his western Massachusetts home of Pittsfield, where he has joined the local committee of correspondence. Brown and the other members (James Easton and Thomas Allen) are concerned that the Tories in nearby Kinderhook, New York will strike against his community. The committee writes to the Albany Committee of Correspondence for support. The following day, Albany demurs, noting that “we look upon [the threat] as entirely groundless.”

In Rhode Island, the danger that the Rose might bombard Newport does not prohibit the province's Assembly from convening and acting in support of Massachusetts. A resolution is passed that states “At this very dangerous crisis of American affairs; at a time when we are surrounded with fleets and armies, that threaten our immediate destruction; at a time when the fears and anxieties of the people throw them into the utmost distress, and totally prevent them from attending to the common occupations of life… it is thought absolutely necessary that a number of men be raised and embodied, properly armed and disciplined, to continue in this colony, as an Army of Observation; to repel any insults or violence that may be offered to the inhabitants; and also, if it be necessary for the safety and preservation of any of the colonies, that they be ordered to march out of this colony, and join and co-operate with the forces of our neighboring colonies.” It is widely assumed the 1,500-man army called for by the resolution will be sent to Boston.

Wednesday, April 26:

The frigate Rose seizes an American vessel as soon it as leaves Newport. The vessel, commanded by one John Brown (not the Pittsfield attorney), is carrying hundreds of barrels of flour to Providence to be used by Rhode Island’s “Army of Observation.” Brown is soon sent to Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston.

In Connecticut, the Assembly meets and requests that the governor open communications with British Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage. The mood, however, is warlike, and following the lead of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, the Assembly also authorizes an army.

Benedict Arnold, who is marching with his company of Governor’s Guards towards Boston, is appointed captain of the fifth company of the newly authorized 1st Connecticut Provincial Regiment. His colonel is David Wooster, with whom he clashed before setting out. At the moment, this organization exists only on paper as it will take some time to recruit and supply the men.

The Massachusetts authorities are unable to adequately supply the thousands of men from their own colony that have taken up arms outside Boston, much less those from neighboring colonies. One Connecticut officer notes that his troop “were not wanted at present” and that “[I] now find that most of the Connecticut troops are on the return.”

Arnold’s company remains on the march. On the road he meets Samuel Parsons, newly appointed colonel of the 6th Connecticut. Parsons complains of the lack of heavy cannon to drive the British from Boston. Arnold describes to him the weak state of Fort Ticonderoga and the large number of brass cannon that can be obtained there. Parsons will soon share this tidbit with others.

Allen and Arnold 2

30 Days to Glory: April 19-22
Previous: Introduction
Next: April 23 - April 26

Wednesday, April 19, 1775:

At dawn, fighting breaks out between British regulars and Massachusetts militiamen at Lexington and Concord. Before the day is out, word rapidly spreads throughout the countryside, and into neighboring colonies, that war has begun. That night an ad hoc army of militia begins assembling around the British base in Boston.

Thursday, April 20:

Initial reports disseminating throughout New England are lurid and frightening. Rhode Islander Ezra Stiles learns that the regulars “are now actually engaged in butchering and destroying our brethren there in the most inhuman manner.” He records in his diary that “upon receipt of this news the town [Newport] was thrown into alarm and all went into preparation.” The British frigate Rose is in the harbor, and a rumor circulates that “if any march from hence” the captain “will fire upon the town and lay it in ashes.”

In Massachusetts, the call goes out to reconvene the Provincial Congress. Meanwhile, Joseph Warren, writing on behalf of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, writes Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut for assistance. In it, he lays out Massachusetts' account of the battle, in which (crucially from a public relations standpoint), British regulars started the battle:

“On Wednesday, the 19th instant, early in the morning, a detachment of General Gage' s army marched into the country to Lexington, about thirteen miles from Boston, where they met with a small party of minute-men exercising, who had no intention of doing any injury to the regulars. But they fired upon our men without any provocation, killed eight of them the first onset, then marched forward to Concord, where they destroyed the magazines and stores for a considerable time. Our people, however, mustered as soon as possible, and repulsed the troops, pursuing them quite down to Charlestown until they reached a place called Bunker's Hill, although they received a very large reinforcement at Lexington, from General Gage. As the troops have now commenced hostilities, we think it our duty to exert our utmost strength to save our country from absolute slavery. We pray your Honours would afford us all the assistance in your power, and shall be glad that our brethren who come to our aid may be supplied with military stores and provisions, as we have none of either more than is absolutely necessary for ourselves. We pray God to direct you to such measures as shall tend to the salvation of our common liberties.”

Artemas Ward takes command of the ad hoc army and calls the first council of war. Among the pressing concerns are the need to guard the roads to Boston, throw up earthworks, obtain gunpowder, and arrange for food and other supplies to reach the thousands of militia now on hand. According to one estimate, 7,000 men are in the Cambridge area, 4,000 are at Roxbury, and 4,000 are near Charlestown.

Boston Area: April-May, 1775 (Click to enlarge).

Friday, April 21:

The Massachusetts Committee of Safety takes up the need for artillery to support its forces. The committee sends for Colonel Richard Gridley, who will be appointed chief engineer for the province, and later, head of its regiment of artillery. They also send orders for "one field-piece with every implement necessary for action," and to have others brought into a "thorough state of preparation."

Connecticut is formulating a response to the outbreak a fighting. A problem is that some of the news that is circulating is unreliable and it's unclear where the Massachusetts authorities can be found. The governor's son is sent in search of John Hancock. He bears a message from the Connecticut Committee of Correspondence stating, “We have many reports of what is doing with you, the particulars we cannot yet get with precision. The ardour of our people is such that they can' t be kept back. The colonels are to forward part of the best men and most ready, as fast as possible, the remainder to be ready at a moment's warning.”

Saturday, April 22:

In Boston, Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage completes his official report on the action at Lexington and Concord. He and his staff are ill-equipped to win the public relations battle now underway with the various American legislatures and committees of safety or correspondence.

The Massachusetts Provincial Congress reconvenes and promptly establishes a committee to take depositions “from which a full account of the transactions of the troops, under general Gage, in their route to and from Concord, etc., on Wednesday last, may be collected, to be sent to England, by the first ship from Salem.” Although it will take some time to gather this information, Massachusetts will succeed in getting its account of the battle of Lexington and Concord published first in England. As for the other colonies, Massachusetts' version of events will likewise reach the public more quickly and circulate more broadly.

In Connecticut, Benedict Arnold, who is captain of the 2nd company of the Governor's Foot Guard, begins marching his men to Boston. According to Reverend William Gordon, an early historian of the war, “No sooner did the Lexington news reach him, that he called his company together, and asked them whether they would march off with him the next morning for the neighbourhood of Boston, distant 150 miles.—They agreed; and at the proper time paraded before the tavern where a committee was sitting. He applied to the gentlemen for powder and ball; they demurred supplying him, as he was not duly authorized. The captain, in haste to fly to the help of his suffering brethren, proposed procuring the supply by force if needful, to which the volunteers consented. He then sent for the committee, and informed them what he was determined on. Colonel [David] Wooster came out, and would have persuaded him to wait till he had received proper orders; to which captain Arnold answered, "None but God Almighty shall prevent my marching." The committee perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him; and he marched off instantly...”