Uniform Notes

Finding accurate information on the uniforms of Revolutionary War soldiers is not always easy. This is especially true of the American army. Here are two remarkably detailed descriptions of the American soldier that I've come across in the course of past reading on the Revolutionary War.

The first description concerns the Philadelphia Associators, one of several uniformed city militias that antedated the Revolutionary War. The description appears in a June 3, 1775, letter by Silas Deane to his wife. Deane was in Philadelphia as one of Connecticut's representatives at the Second Continental Congress. The Philadelphia Associators are perhaps best known for leading a crucial counterattack at the battle of Princeton (January 3, 1777).

Deane wrote:

"The militia are constantly out, morning and evening, at exercise, and there are already thirty companies in this city in uniform, well armed, and have made a most surprising progress. The uniform is worth describing to you; it is a dark brown (like our homespun) coat, faced with red, white, yellow, or buff, according to their different battallions; white vest and breeches, white stockings, half-boots, black kneegarters. Their coat is made short, falling but little below the waistband of the breeches, which shows the size of a man to very great advantage. Their hats are small (as Jesse's little one, almost,) with a red, or white, or black ribbon, according to their battallions, closing in a rose, out of which rises a tuft of fur of deer, made to resemble the Buck's tail as much as possible, of about six or eight inches high. Their cartouch boxes are large, with the word LIBERTY and the number of their battallion, wrote on the outside in large white letters. Thus equipped they make a most elegant appearance, as their cartouch boxes are hung with a broad white wash-leather strap or belt, and their bayonet &c. on the other side, with one of the same; which two, crossing on the shoulders diamond-fashion, gives an agreeable appearance viewed in the rear."

"The Light Infantry are in green faced with buff; vests &c. as the others, except the cap, which is a hunter's cap, or jockey. These are, without exception, the genteelest companies I ever saw. They have besides a body of Irregulars, or Riflemen, whose dress it is hard to describe. They take a piece of Ticklenburgh, or tow cloth that is stout, and put it in a tan-vat until it has the shade of a dry or fading leaf; then they make a kind of frock of it, reaching down below the knee, open before, with a large cape. They wrap it round them tight, on a march, and tie it with their belt, in which hangs their tomahawk. Their hats, as the others. They exercise in the neighboring groves firing at marks, and throwing their tomahawks; forming on a sudden into one line, and then, at the word, break their order and take their posts, to hit their mark. West of this city is an open square of near two miles each way, with large groves each side, in which each afternoon they collect, with a vast number of spectators."

Don Troiani's painting of the Associators at Princeton can be seen here. He has also painted soldiers of the 2nd and 3rd battalions.

The second description concerns the mounted militia that served in the South Carolina backcountry in 1780-1781. The description appears in James Collins' (1859) Autobiography of a Revolutionary Soldier. Collins joined Captain John Moffett's mounted company in the summer of 1780, and fought at Williamson's Plantation, Fishing Creek, and Cowpens.

Collins left the following description of how he and his neighbors transformed themselves into volunteer dragoons:

"It will be, perhaps, proper here to mention, that we were a set of men acting entirely on our own footing, without the promise or expectation of any pay. There was nothing furnished us from the public; we furnished our own clothes, composed of course materials, and all home spun; our over dress was a hunting shirt, of what was called linsey woolsey, well belted around us. We furnished our own horses, saddles, bridles, guns, swords, butcher knives, and our own spurs; we got our powder and lead as we could, and had often to apply to the old women of the country, for their old pewter dishes and spoons, to supply the place of lead; and if we had lead sufficient to make balls, half lead and the other pewter, we felt well supplied. Swords, at first, were scarce, but we had several good blacksmiths among us; besides, there were several in the country. If we got hold of a piece of good steel, we would keep it; and likewise, go to all the sawmills, and take all the old whip saws we could find, set three or four smiths to work, in one shop, and take the steel we had, to another. In this way, we soon had a pretty good supply of swords and butcher knives. Mostly all our spurs, bridle bits, and horsemen's caps, were manufactured by us. We would go to a turner or wheelwright, and get head blocks turned, of various sizes, according to the heads that had to wear them, in shape resembling a sugar loaf; we would then get some super strong upper, or light sole leather, cut it out in shape, close it on the block, then grease it well with tallow, and set it before a warm fire, still on the block, and keep turning it round before the fire, still rubbing on the tallow, until it became almost as hard as a sheet of iron; we then got two small straps or plates of steel, made by our own smiths, of a good spring temper, and crossing it the center above, one reaching from ear to ear, the other, in the contrary direction; the lining was made of strong cloth, padded with wool, and fixed so as to prevent the cap from pressing too hard on the ears; there was a small brim attached to the front, resembling the caps now worn, a piece of bear skin lined with strong cloth, padded with wool, passed over from the front to the back of the head; then a large bunch of hair taken from the tail of a horse, generally white, was attached to the back part and hung down the back; then, a bunch of white feathers, or deer's tail, was attached to the sides, which completed the cap. The cap was heavy, but custom soon made it so that it could be worn without inconvenience. We made the scabbards of our swords of leather, by closing on a pattern of wood, and treating it similar to the cap. Our swords and knives, we polished mostly with a grindstone—not a very fine polish to be sure; but they were of a good temper, sharpened to a keen edge, and seldom failed to do execution, when brought into requisition."

Why Washington?

The Second Continental Congress convened on May 10, 1775, and by June 3 there appears to have been some general agreement among the delegates that the Continental Congress would have to undertake the creation of a Continental Army. However, it's was not until June 14 that the Congress' plans became public [cf. Towards a Continental Army]. Why was Congress slow to act on so important a measure?

Delegate John Adams recalled, in his memoirs, that “Every post brought me letters from my friends, Dr. Winthrop, Dr. Cooper, General James Warren, and sometimes from General Ward and his aids, and General Heath and many others, urging in pathetic terms the impossibility of keeping their men together without the assistance of Congress.”

The chief difficulty, it seems, was on deciding who should lead this new army. The Congress was determined to act only when a unanimous decision had been reached, and on weighty issues this occurred only after a good deal of discussion had taken place. According to Delegate Silas Deane, “...no motion or resolution can be started or proposed but what must be subject to much canvassing...”

Three of the leading contenders for the position were Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, and George Washington.

In brief, Artemas Ward had served in the Massachusetts militia during the French and Indian War and now commanded the New England troops around Boston.

Charles Lee had the most military experience of any of the contenders. A recent immigrant to Virginia, he was a former British officer who fought in the French and Indian War, and then travelled to Europe and participated in the Russo-Turkish War, and the Spanish-Portuguese War.

George Washington served with distinction during the French and Indian War and rose to command a brigade of Virginia troops before the war's end. He had led more troops than the other contenders and was an important figure in a politically important colony.

John Adams went on to relate that there “was among the delegates, a Southern party against a Northern, and a jealousy against a New England army under the command of a New England General. Whether this jealousy was sincere, or whether it was mere pride and a haughty ambition of furnishing a southern General to command the northern army, (I cannot say); but the intention was very visible to me that Colonel Washington was their object, and so many of our staunchest men were in the plan, that we could carry nothing without conceding to it.”

In other words, Adams believed that it was necessary to support Washington in order to achieve a consensus. Nevertheless, it still took some time for a consensus to emerge. According to Adams:

“...the Massachusetts and other New England delegates were divided. Mr. Hancock and Mr. [Thomas] Cushing hung back; Mr. [Robert Treat] Paine did not come forward, and even Mr. Samuel Adams was irresolute. Mr. [John] Hancock himself had an ambition to be appointed commander-in-chief... In canvassing this subject, out of doors, I found too that even among the delegates of Virginia there were difficulties... In several conversations, I found more than one very cool about the appointment of Washington, and particularly Mr. [Edmund] Pendleton was very clear and full against it.”

Adams then sought to bring the matter to a resolution.

“I walked with Mr. Samuel Adams in the State House yard, for a little exercise and fresh air, before the hour of Congress, and there represented to him the various dangers that surrounded us. He agreed to them all, but said, "What shall we do?" I answered him, that... I was determined to take a step which should compel them and all the other members of Congress to declare themselves for or against something. "I am determined this morning to make a direct motion that Congress should adopt the army before Boston, and appoint Colonel Washington commander of it." Mr. Adams seemed to think very seriously of it, but said nothing.”

Adams then spoke in Congress and motioned “...that Congress would adopt the army at Cambridge [headquarters of the American army outside Boston], and appoint a General; that though this was not the proper time to nominate a General, yet, as I had reason to believe this was a point of the greatest difficulty, I had no hesitation to declare that I had but one gentleman in my mind for that important command, and that was a gentleman from Virginia who was among us and very well known to all of us... Mr. Washington, who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted into the library-room. Mr. Hancock, — who was our President, which gave me an opportunity to observe his countenance while I was speaking on the state of the Colonies, the army at Cambridge, and the enemy,—heard me with visible pleasure; but when I came to describe Washington for the commander, I never remarked a more sudden and striking change of countenance. Mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them. Mr. Samuel Adams seconded the motion, and that did not soften the President's physiognomy at all. The subject came under debate, and several gentlemen declared themselves against the appointment of Mr. Washington, not on account of any personal objection against him, but because the army were all from New England, had a General of their own, appeared to be satisfied with him, and had proved themselves able to imprison the British army in Boston, which was all they expected or desired at that time... Mr. Paine expressed a great opinion of General Ward and a strong friendship for him, having been his classmate at college, or at least his contemporary; but gave no opinion upon the question. The subject was postponed to a future day. In the mean time, pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity, and the voices were generally so clearly in favor of Washington, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition, and Mr. Washington was nominated, I believe by Mr. Thomas Johnson of Maryland, unanimously elected, and the army adopted.”

Scene from the HBO Miniseries John Adams: John Adams is introduced to George Washington. Adams first met Washington at the First Continental Congress (September, 1774).

Towards a Continental Army

The American people were gradually moving into armed conflict with Great Britain during the early 1770s. In the Spring of 1775, two events turned what had been a slow-burning fuse into an open conflagration. One was the British raid on colonial stores that resulted in the battle of Lexington and Concord. The other was the capture of Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point. A crisis was at hand because the American colonies were ill-prepared for open warfare with Great Britain. The American army that formed in Massachusetts after Lexington and Concord was bereft of the instruments of war, and the garrisons for the newly-captured British forts in New York were grossly lacking in men and provisions.

Neither Massachusetts nor New York was able to solve these crises are their own. Both colonies looked to the Continental Congress to provide direction and support. However, the Congress could not quickly act. No system of government existed beyond those for the individual colonies. Congress, therefore, effectively needed a unanimous consent in order to act on any major issue.

A brief timeline appears below:

May 10: The Second Continental Congress convenes. Also on this date: Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold seize Fort Ticonderoga in New York; news of Lexington and Concord reaches Georgia.

May 15: Congress forms “a committee to consider what posts are necessary to be occupied in the Colony of New-York, and that they be desired to report as speedily as possible.” The members are Virginia’s George Washington, Massachusetts’ Samuel Adams, Thomas Lynch of South Carolina, and the full New York delegation. Adams is one of the conspirators behind the expedition against Fort Ticonderoga [see past blog posts concerning April 25 and April 29, 1775], and he likely briefs the committee on what is afoot.

May 18: Congress receives word that Ticonderoga has fallen and it hears allegations that the British are planning to form an invasion army in Canada. [see past blog post concerning May 18, 1775].

May 26: Congress passes a resolution that reads, in part:

“Hostilities being actually commenced in the Massachusett’s-Bay, by the British troops under the command of General Gage, and the lives of a number of the inhabitants of that Colony destroyed, the town of Boston having not only been long occupied as a garrisoned town in an enemy’s country, but the inhabitants thereof treated with a severity and cruelty not to be justified even towards declared enemies; large re-inforcements too being ordered and soon expected, for the declared purpose of compelling these Colonies to submit to the operation of the said acts; that therefore, for the express purpose of securing and defending these Colonies, and preserving them in safety against all attempts to carry the said acts into execution by force of arms, these Colonies be immediately put into a state of defence.”

May 27: Congress forms “a Committee to consider on ways and means to supply these Colonies with ammunition and military stores,” that consists of George Washington, Samuel Adams, New York’s Philip Schuyler, Connecticut’s Silas Deane, and Pennsylvania’s Thomas Mifflin and Robert Morris.

May 30: Congress receives a letter from Benedict Arnold, who is at Crown Point. He warns that 400 British regulars have assembled at Fort Saint-Jean in southern Canada, and he expects that these men, with the help of Indian forces, will attempt to retake Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Arnold asks for reinforcement and supplies.

Congress begins to provide direction to the war effort. They pass a resolution calling for Connecticut to provide men and New York to provide supplies for the defense of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.

June 3: There is a tacit acceptance of the need for a Continental Army under Congressional supervision and direction, as evidenced by two sources:

1. The secret journal of the Continental Congress records the passing of a resolution “That a committee be appointed for the purpose of borrowing the sum of six thousand pounds… [for] the purchase of gunpowder for the use of the continental army.” [emphasis added].

2. The New York delegates to the Continental Congress send a letter to the New York Provincial Congress, in which they state: “We think it an object of great consequence to know in whom you would wish to vest the command of the Continental Army [emphasis added] in our Province… As General Officers will, in all probability, be shortly appointed by this Congress...”

The reason why discussions about the army are prolonged is revealed in a letter of this date by Silas Deane to his wife: “The Congress, tho' not numerous, are yet a very unwieldly Body, in their very nature, as no motion or resolution can be started or proposed but what must be subject to much canvassing before it will pass with the unanimous approbation of Thirteen Colonies whose situation and circumstances are various. And Unanimity is the basis on which we mean to rise...”

June 9: The secret journal of the Continental Congress records the passing of a resolution calling for New York to convey 5,000 barrels of flour to “the continental army” [emphasis added] in Massachusetts. There is still no consensus on the more difficult questions, including who will lead the army.

June 14: This date will come to be regarded as the birth date of the Continental Army. A committee is formed “to prepare Rules and Regulations for the government of the army.” The committee consists of Washington, Schuyler, Deane, Massachusetts’ Thomas Cushing, and North Carolina’s Joesph Hewes.

Congress also undertakes the raising of troops with the following resolution:

“Resolved, That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia… That each company, as soon as completed, march and join the army near Boston…

“That the form of the inlistment be in the following words:

“I [blank] have this day voluntarily inlisted myself as a soldier in the American Continental Army [emphasis added] for one year, unless sooner discharged: And I do bind myself to conform in all instances to such rules and regulations, as are or shall be established for the government of the said army.”

One of the Virginia delegates writes, “Col. Washington has been pressed to take the supreme command of the American Troops... and I believe will accept the appointment, though with much reluctance...”

June 15: Congress appoints George Washington “to command all the Continental Forces, raised or to be raised for the defence of American liberty.” He formally accepts this appointment on the 16th.

Sources:

Journal of the proceedings of the congress: held at Philadelphia, May 10, 1775.

Secret journals of the acts and proceedings of Congress, from the first meeting thereof to the dissolution of the Confederation, Vol 1.

Letters of members of the Continental Congress, Vol. 1.

Peter Force's American Archives.

Allen and Arnold 7

30 Days to Glory: May 9-10
Previous: May 4 - May 8
Next: May 11 - May 14

Tuesday, May 9:

The town of Falmouth, Massachusetts (in what is today Maine), has had a tense relationship with a British vessel, the Canso (or Canceaux) stationed in its harbor. The town has been organizing on behalf of the American cause while the vessel has been suppressing rebellious activity. Neither side, however, wants to be initiate open warfare. Matters come to a head when one Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Thompson and a band of some 50 men arrive in town with the purpose of capturing the vessel – especially its valuable supply of gunpowder and cannon. Thompson’s men unexpectedly chance upon the vessel’s captain while he is walking on the beach, and capture him and two of his companions.

British forces in Newport and New York chose prudence over action in the face of colonial belligerence [cf. events of April 20, April 23, April 25, May 6]. This incident, however, is too serious to ignore. The lieutenant left in charge of the Canso threatens to “fire on the town” if the men are not released. To emphasize his point, he fires two cannon loaded with blank charges. A townsman would write, “You can hardly conceive the consternation, confusion, and uproar that immediately ensued. Our women, were, I believe, every one of them in tears, or praying, or screaming; precipitately leaving their houses… and carrying their children… Some persons bed-rid, or in childbed, were hastily removed, with no small danger of their lives.”

A few townsmen suggest trying to rescue the prisoners, but the consensus is “to observe a strict neutrality.” Instead, they rely on persuasion. At first, Thompson “appeared inflexible, and even furious” in response to their appeals, but by the end of the day he is “much cooled” and he paroles the prisoners.

There is no sign of a cooling off among the American forces gathering in the New Hampshire Grants. In Castleton, Benedict Arnold has tried to take command of the planned attack on Fort Ticonderoga. Connecticut did not officially sanction its own expedition, whereas Arnold has orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. Thus, Arnold claims, he alone is acting under a legal authority. When Arnold learns that Ethan Allen is in Shoreham, making final preparations for the attack, he sets off in search of him, hoping that he will cede his command.

According to Edward Mott, “When Col. Arnold went after Col. Allen, the whole party followed him for fear he should prevail on Col. Allen to resign the command.” Much to Mott's consternation, the men “left all the provisions, so that I with Capt. Phelps and Babcock was obliged leave the party that I was with, and go with the pack horses with the provisions...”

Epaphras Bull was one of the Connecticut men that went after Arnold. He records in his journal what happens next: “7 o’clock arrived at Shoreham within ½ mile of the lake [Champlain] where we had more intelligence of the security of the fort. Some disputes have arisen on account of Captain Arnold’s taking any command. [We] have however agreed that he take the left hand of Colonel Allen.”

In other words, Allen and Arnold, probably after a heated discussion, agree to hold a kind of joint command.

After this tenuous agreement is reached, Bull jots into his journal “½ after 11 [i.e., 11:30 PM] we are now marching on to the lake being ½ mile.”

To the south, Samuel Herrick’s men succeed in capturing Major Skene but they are unable to bring his schooner up to Shoreham for the planned rendezvous. Likewise, the boats from Crown Point fail to appear.

Wednesday, May 10:

Ethan Allen and his men have obtained a local boat and use it to begin crossing Lake Champlain to Fort Ticonderoga. According to Epaphras Bull:

“About 40 of us got into the first boat and went over within 80 rods of the fort where we waited for the bateau to return and fetch more. They returned in about 1 ½ hours with 2 boats when we proceeded to attack the fort which we reached in a few minutes.”

According to Ethan Allen, “the day began to dawn, and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort.” Allen now has about 85 men on the western shore, including Benedict Arnold and James Easton. Seth Warner is on the eastern shore with the remainder of the force. Edward Mott is further to the east, in charge of the pack horses. It is now about 4 AM.

Silently, the men march in the dark towards the fort's main gate. They are disappointed to find it shut. However, a small wicker gate to one side has been left open and a part of the men rush through this opening, while others commence scaling the wall of the fort on either side of the main gate. As they enter the fort, the men shout “no quarter, no quarter,” and make an “Indian war-whoop.”

Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold are the first two men through the wicker gate. On the other side, an alarmed British sentry levels his musket at Allen and pulls the trigger. The musket "snaps," but there is no discharge. Moments later, a second sentry also attempts to fire, but his musket likewise fails to ignite. Later the Americans would later discover that the fort's supply of gunpowder has been damaged. One of the sentries manages to prick a Green Mountain Boy with his bayonet, but he is promptly felled by a glancing blow from Allen's sword.

Barracks at Fort Ticonderoga

Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham of the 26th Foot is awakened by the commotion. He would later write, "I ran undressed to knock at Captain [William] Delaplace’s door and to receive his orders or wake him.” When Feltham found the door locked, he put on his waistcoat and coat and then made his way through a backdoor into the captain’s room. He then “asked Captain Delaplace, who was now just up, what I should do, and offered to force my way if possible to our men. On opening this door, the bottom of the stairs was filled with the rioters… From the top of the stairs I endeavored to make them hear me, but it was impossible.”

Feltham, awkwardly, is only partially dressed, holding his breeches in one hand. However, he makes the most of the situation. Upon “making a signal not to come up the stairs, they stopped and proclaimed silence among themselves.” Feltham then peppered them with questions, hoping to detain them “till our people fired, which I must certainly own I thought would have been the case.” He asked them, “by what authority they entered his Majesty’s fort, who were the leaders, what [was] their intent, etc., etc., I was informed by one Ethan Allen and one Benedict Arnold that they had a joint command, Arnold informing me he came from instructions received from the Congress at Cambridge, which he afterwards showed me. Mr. Allen told me his orders were from the province of Connecticut and that he must have immediate possession of the fort and all the effects of George the Third (those were his words).”

Feltham was assumed to be the fort’s commander and Ethan Allen held “a drawn sword over my head and numbers of his followers’ firelocks [were] presented at me.” Allen said if the fort was not surrendered, or “a single gun fired… neither man, woman, or child should be left alive in the fort.” Benedict Arnold then interjected “in a genteel manner.”

When the Americans discovered that Feltham was not the commander, Arnold dissuaded the Green Mountain Boys from storming Captain Delaplace’s room. Then, “Captain Delaplace now being dressed came out,” and surrendered.

By this time, most, if not all, of the rank and file have already been captured. Most were sleeping when the Americans stormed the fort. The Americans place these men in one room, with one guard allotted to each captured soldier.

Boats continue to make the long passage back-and-forth across the lake, and by 10 AM, there are around 240 Americans in the fort [see Note 1]. Curiously, one of the boats arriving that morning is British, rather than American. Lieutenant Arthur Wadman arrives from Canada; he was supposed to have relieved Lieutenant Feltham. Now both men are captives.

Benedict Arnold carefully studies the captured fort and finds it to be "in a most ruinous condition and not worth repairing." Edward Mott, recently arrived with provisions, agrees. He calls it “a fort of broken walls and gates, and but few cannon in order, and very much out of repair.” Meanwhile, Allen dispatches a party of about 50 men, led by Seth Warner, to capture Crown Point.

The volunteers take little interest in these military matters, and instead begin to plunder the fort, especially its stores of liquor. Soon they pass around “the flowing bowl.” Arnold is appalled and orders the men to stop. When they refuse to listen to him, he insists to the other officers that he should be placed in sole command. According to Mott, the volunteers “declared they would go right home, for they would not be commanded by Arnold.”

Mott then writes out orders giving sole command of the fort to Ethan Allen. He does this, he claims, “from the power and authority to us given by the Colony of Connecticut.” Arnold is sidelined and some of the volunteers threaten to kill him.

Arnold writes to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety about the capture of the fort and his current predicament. It's not known to whom Arnold entrusts this letter, but it is not to be delivered [see Note 2]. Meanwhile, Easton composes a scathing letter about Arnold to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, which will be received.

By the close of the day, Warner's expedition to Crown Point is called off, either because of insufficient men or headwinds. Allen orders Epaphras Bull to lead the British rank and file into captivity in Connecticut. The British officers and their families will be sent away later.

Far to the south, a party of delegates arrives in Philadelphia for the start of the second Continental Congress. The delegates hail from New England, New York, and New Jersey, but they are traveling together. Among them is Silas Deane, who writes to his wife that the entourage was met “about six miles on this side [of] the city by about two hundred of the principal gentlemen, on horseback, with their swords drawn… Thence began a most lengthy procession; half the gentlemen on horseback, in the van; next to them, ten men on horseback, with bayonets fixed; then [John] Hancock and [Samuel] Adams, then Payne [Robert Treat Paine], next Mr. [John] De Hart, next Col. [William] Floyd and Mr. [Simon] Boerum, in a phaeton, with two most elegant white English horses ; then your humble servant and Col. [Eliphalet] Dyer; then Father [Thomas] Cushing and John Adams; Mr. [Roger] Sherman next ; then Mr. [Philip] Livingston… Our rear closed with the remainder of the gentlemen on horseback, with swords drawn, and then the carriages from the city. At about two miles distance, we were met by a company on foot, and then by a company of riflemen… Thus rolling and gathering like a snow-ball, we approached the city, which was full of people, and the crowd as great as at New York; the bells all ringing, and the air rent with shouts and huzzas. My little bay horses were put in such a fright that I was in fear of killing several of the spectators; however, no harm was done, and after much fatigue we were landed at the New City Tavern.”

Once in town Deane learns that the other colonies have also taken up arms, and he optimistically projects “that on the whole, America has now more than one hundred thousand ready to take the field.” Unfortunately, for Deane this means that “The drum and fife are hourly sounding in every street, and my brainpan is this moment echoing to the beat, parading under my window.”

----------
Note 1: There is considerable variance on this count among the sources. Allen claimed 230, James Easton 240, and Feltham 300.

Note 2: Or so it would seem. I could find no evidence of its receipt in Peter Force's American Archives or the records of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress.

Allen and Arnold 6

30 Days to Glory: May 4-8
Previous: May 1 - May 3
Next: May 9 - May 10

Thursday, May 4:

The John Brown affair in Rhode Island ends in an unexpected manner. According to Ezra Stiles, “Brown was dismissed and came home to Providence last night..." The British could not prove that he had acted against the government, “upon which General Gage dismissed him, paid him for his flour, order[ed] the packets to be returned to Providence and to be paid Demorage, and has sent off a Reprimand to Captain Wallace of the Rose Man o’War here. A humbling stroke to the Tories!”

Gage’s conciliatory stance is taken for weakness: “An army of 30 thousand [Stiles’ estimate of the American force encamped around Boston] speaks terror. Divine Providence can easily disappoint the malice of men in a bad cause.”

Edward Mott spends a second day in Bennington in the New Hampshire Grants. Upon arriving, Mott met the man claiming that Ticonderoga, and “examined him strictly, and [found] that he was a lying fellow and had not been at the fort.” Whether he had been to the fort or not, there is at least some truth to his statement: Captain William Delaplace is concerned about an attack and he has been reinforced [see April 29]. Mott, however, is not overly concerned about this possibility. He is determined to go on, reasoning that even if the fort had been strengthened, the garrison “would not follow us out into the woods.”

The two men Mott sent to Albany on May 1st return empty-handed. Mott determines to try again because provisions are scarce in the New Hampshire Grants. This time he sends Bernard Romans, a Dutch-born but English-educated engineer. Mott notes, “we were all glad” to see him go, “as he had been a trouble to us, all the time he was with us.”

Mott’s party then turned to recruiting Green Mountain Boys and “proceeded to raise the men as fast as possible, and sent forward men on whom we could depend, to waylay the roads that lead… to Fort Edward, Lake George, Skenesborough, Ticonderoga or Crown Point, with orders to take up all those who were passing… so that no intelligence should go from us to the garrisons.”

Friday, May 5:

The Albany Committee of Correspondence meets with Bernard Romans, but they “decline taking any steps whatever until we have the opinion of the committee of the city of New York, to whom we have wrote and whose answer we expect in a few days.”

Fort Ticonderoga Area (click to enlarge).

Saturday, May 6:

A number of the delegates for the Continental Congress reach New York City. Silas Deane is incredulous at the reception waiting for them: “By the time we had got two miles from the bridge we found the road lined with carriages, and all ages and sexes, and the atmosphere one cloud of dust. Great order was however, though with difficulty, observed… a battalion of about eight hundred men in uniform and bayonets fixed, with a band of music, received us with the military salute, from the right, as we passed them in front, and when passed, we halted and they filed off before us, our guard falling into the rear. You can easier fancy than I describe the amazing concourse of people: I believe well nigh every open carriage in the city, and thousands on foot trudging and sweating through the dirt. At the Fresh Water, the battalion halted, and we again passed their front and received a second salute from the left, and were received by our friends, the delegates of the city. Then we halted, and the battalion again passed us in the same manner as before, and led us down the Main Street, to the corner of Wall Street; up that, and down the Broadway by the fort; then up to Fraunces’s Tavern, where the battalion halted, and we passed them again to the right and receiving the parting salute, with the huzzahs of the assembly, which by this time was much the largest I ever saw. The doors, the windows, the stoops, the roofs of the piazzas, were loaded with all ranks, ages and sexes; in short, I feared every moment lest someone would be crushed to death; but no accident. A little dispute arose as we came near the town,--the populace insisting on taking out our horses and drawing the carriages by hand. This would have relieved Mr. [John] Hancock’s horses, for they were tired, but mine were with difficulty managed amid the crowd, smoke and noise. Instantly a guard of grenadiers was set at each door where we lodged, and relieved regularly, in the usual way. They are in a blue and scarlet uniform, and make a genteel appearance…”

In the city there is a small number of the 18th Foot that dares not leave its barracks. According to Deane, one of the regiment recently deserted and joined a militia company from Connecticut. The deserter then decided he preferred the British army, and returned to the barracks. After this a Connecticut militia captain named Deming went after him, saying to the garrison, “’I care not who he deserted from; he put himself under my protection, and by God I’ll have him, or level the barracks over your heads.’” Deane gloats, “What reply, think ye, these heroes of five companies of the invincible Royal Irish [i.e., the 18th], gave to this pesky Yankey? Why they delivered him up, in the face of the whole city, and Deming carried him off in triumph.”

Sunday, May 7:

By the end of this day the Connecticut volunteers, the Massachusetts militia, and the Green Mountain Boys are to assemble at Castleton in the New Hampshire Grants. Castleton is about a day’s march from Fort Ticonderoga and a half day’s march from Skenesborough.

Monday, May 8:

At Castleton, Colonel Ethan Allen of the Green Mountain Boys is given command of the expedition and James Easton is made second-in-command. Seth Warner (another Green Mountain Boy) is made third-in-command. The leaders agree to send one Captain Samuel Herrick with a detachment of 30 men against Skenesborough. There, he will capture Major Skene and the schooner Katherine. Herrick's men will then bring the boat down the lake to Shoreham, on the eastern shore. From there, the Katherine will transport Allen’s men to Lake Ticonderoga. A volunteer is also dispatched to hire boats at Crown Point and take them to Shoreham.

Word of this expedition is spreading. Gurdon Saltonstall writes to Silas Deane from New London, Connecticut, boasting “You’ll soon have, I dare say, a good account of the northern cannon; the party were joined above in the most hearty manner.”

Benedict Arnold, who is now in the New Hampshire Grants, has also learned of the Connecticut expedition. Writing to local town leaders, he asks them “to exert yourselves, and send forward as many men to join the army here as you can possibly spare. There is plenty of provisions engaged, and on the road, for five hundred men six or eight weeks. Let every man bring as much powder and ball as he can, also a blanket.”

After sending this letter, Arnold rides north to Castleton. He arrives in the evening and meets most of the officers with the Connecticut expedition. According to Mott, “We were extremely rejoiced” when Arnold arrived, for his orders from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety showed that an important body supported their efforts. However, Mott and his companions “were shockingly surprised when Colonel Arnold presumed to contend for the command of those forces that we had raised, who we had assured should go under the command of their own officers, and be paid and maintained by the colony of Connecticut. But Mr. Arnold, after we had generously told him our whole plan, strenuously contended and insisted that he had a right to command them and all their officers.”

Allen and Arnold 5

30 Days to Glory: May 1-3
Previous: April 27 - April 30
Next: May 4 - May 8

Monday, May 1:

Edward Mott is in Salisbury, Connecticut, where he increases his party to 16. He notes, “we concluded it was not best to add any more, as we meant to keep our business a secret and ride through the country unarmed.” After crossing into western Massachusetts, two men are dispatched “to go to Albany in order to discover the temper of the people in that place.”

That evening, Mott’s party arrives in Pittsfield where they meet Colonel James Easton of the Massachusetts militia, and the attorney John Brown. Although Brown had recommended the seizure of Fort Ticonderoga to Samuel Adams and John Hancock, he has not contributed to the planning. Easton and Brown warn that there is “a great scarcity of provisions in the Grants, and as the people were generally poor, it would be difficult to get a sufficient number of men there.” Easton and Brown convince Mott that they should be allowed to recruit local militia and accompany the expedition. Easton then gathers 36 men from his regiment.

Tuesday, May 2:

Mott and Easton set out, ahead of the Massachusetts militia, for the New Hampshire grants. Some of the Connecticut men now further ahead send back a rider back with news that the British were “reinforced at Ticonderoga, and were repairing the garrison, and were every way on their guard.” This information comes from a man who claimed to have recently been at the fort and who warned “it was best for us to dismiss the men we had raised, and proceed no further, as we should not succeed.” Alarmed, Mott questioned the rider. “I asked who the man was, where he belonged, and where he was going," but the rider has no answers. Mott therefore “ordered that the men should not be dismissed but that we would proceed.”

The Albany Committee of Correspondence meets with the two men Mott dispatched on May 1. The committee records that they were “sent in consequence of a resolution of their provincial council [not true] founded on information that the garrison at Ticonderoga was furnished with several pieces of brass cannon or ordnance and many fine stand of arms, a quantity of gun powder and other military stores—They say that of the council that gave them the orders and directions was composed Messrs. [John] Hancock, [Samuel] Adams, [Robert Treat] Paine and others.” The two men claimed “their instructions were in writing but they have destroyed them for fear of discovery, and upon suspicions that we might be unfriendly to their project.” The committee notes “their determination in attempting this enterprise [even] should we discourage it.”

The Albany committee privately assures the two men they support their actions, but that they cannot accede to their request for help. The committee complains of “the many applications [for help] that have been and are daily made from the eastward" [i.e., New England]. “We are very scant of powder etc…. and the city is in a very defenseless situation, not a piece of artillery in it.” However, they also decline to provide provisions, which is within their means. The committee does not want to be held responsible for bringing New York into the war.

In Massachusetts, Joseph Warren is having second thoughts about having deferred to New York on a proposal to lead an expedition against Fort Ticonderoga. Warren meets with Artemas Ward about the proposed expedition, and evidently comes away deciding that immediate action should be taken. When the Committee of Safety meets later in the day, Benedict Arnold is given the rank of colonel and “appointed, to a secret service.” The committee votes him “one hundred pounds, in cash; and also order two hundred pounds of gunpowder, two hundred weight of lead balls, and one thousand flints, and also ten horses.”

Joseph Warren also takes time to respond to Governor Trumbull’s letter of April 28 to General Gage. Although the letter is unlikely to produce a reconciliation, Warren leaves no doubt where Massachusetts stands. He expresses “uneasiness on account of one paragraph in your letter, in which a cessation of hostilities is proposed. We fear that our brethren of Connecticut are not even yet convinced of the cruel designs of administration [i.e., the British government] against America, nor thoroughly sensible of the miseries to which General Gage’s army have reduced this wretched colony… Our people have been barbarously murdered by an insidious enemy, who under cover of the night have marched into the heart of the country, spreading destruction with fire and sword. No business but that of war is either done or thought of in this colony; no agreement or compact with General Gage will in the least alleviate our distress, as no confidence can possibly be placed in any assurances he can give to a people whom he has first deceived in the matter of taking possession of and fortifying the town of Boston, and whom he has suffered his army to attack in the most inhuman and treacherous manner. Our only relief now must arise from driving General Gage with his troops out of the country…”

Wednesday, May 3:

General Gage composes a long and dignified response to Governor Trumbull, in which he presents Britain’s view of events, but offers no concessions. There will be no rapprochement.

The governor of Rhode Island remains loyal to the British crown, and he similarly tries to dissuade his colony from the path to war. Writing to the Assembly, he pleads that “The prosperity and happiness of this colony is founded on its connection with Great Britain, ‘for if once we are separated, where shall we find another Britain to supply our loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein.’” He warns of “that ruin and destruction which, in my opinion, some of the orders of the late Assembly must inevitably involve them in, if they are not speedily repealed; for, besides the fatal, consequences of levying war against the King, the immense load of debt that will be incurred… will be insupportable, and must unavoidably bring on universal bankruptcy throughout this colony.”

The Rhode Island Assembly, far from backing down, names the officers that will lead its new army. Nathanael Greene will head the force. Ezra Stiles records in his diary that “The day has been melancholy.” “Governor Wanton affects to be ill and stays at home here in Newport; and so do all or most of the deputies of this [town]… intimidated by the threats of the Men o’ War [i.e., British ships]… However the [Newport] Light Infantry above 40 of them appeared in their uniform, made a very fine appearance, and marched all over the town; and in the afternoon a considerable large body of people appeared at the courthouse and on the parade.”

The province of New York is also steadily slipping out of British control. From New York City, Lieutenant-Governor Cadwallader Colden sends a litany of bad news to William Legge, Secretary of State for the Colonies: “The accounts which I have now to give will almost entirely destroy the expectations you have had reason to entertain of the conduct which this province would pursue… The certainty of losing all the debts due from the other colonies, which are very considerable, and every other argument of private interest that could influence the merchants or anyone, was industriously circulated. The minds of the people in the city were kept in constant agitation by riots and attempts to prevent the transports from loading here with stores, provisions etc. for the army… Several incidents combined to depress all legal authority and… which seemed to vanquish every thought of resistance to popular rage. In this unfortunate situation of the city the first accounts of an action between the King’s troops and people near Boston [i.e., Lexington and Concord] was published with horrid and aggravating circumstances. The people were assembled and that scene of disorder and violence begun which has entirely prostrated the powers of government and produced an association by which this province has solemnly united with the others in resisting the Acts of Parliament.”

In Connecticut, Silas Deane sets off for Philadelphia. The second Continental Congress will convene in one week.

Allen and Arnold 4

30 Days to Glory: April 27-30
Previous: April 23 - April 26
Next: May 1 - May 3

Thursday, April 27:

A Connecticut officer, Gurdon Saltonstall, writes Silas Deane, a delegate to the Continental Congress, about the situation at Boston. He notes that the Americans are encamped near Cambridge, Charlestown, and Roxbury, and he imagines the strategy by which the Americans might be able to take Boston: “from Charlestown batteries [i.e., American artillery placed on Bunker’s Hill], I imagine they can annoy the ships” which would permit the Americans to make “a descent on Boston.” He imagines that enough “flat-bottomed large flatts may be soon constructed, to transport ten thousand men at one embarkation, and be brought out of the adjacent towns on carriages, at an appointed hour.” Then, “batteries at Dorchester [i.e., Dorchester Heights, near Roxbury] may annoy the [British] ships so that troops may land at Boston on [the] south side, at [the] same time.” Of course, the Massachusetts provincials have few cannon, but it may be possible to obtain “battering cannon from Providence [Rhode Island], New Hampshire, and Salem [Massachusetts], soon, and in a month from even Crown Point.” This last point implies that he and Deane have already discussed raiding the British lake forts for cannon. However, Saltonstall doesn’t wish to commit too much information to paper, and notes, “Edward Mott will give you a delicate account of the maneuvers.”

Meanwhile, a meeting is underway in Hartford to organize an expedition against the British forts. The ringleaders are Silas Deane, Samuel Parsons, and Samuel Wyllys. Other persons brought into the planning are Christopher Leffingwell, Thomas Mumford, Samuel Bishop, Noah Phelps, and Bernard Romans. At the end of the meeting, Phelps and Romans are dispatched to organize the attack. The two men will travel first to Salisbury, in the northwestern corner of the province, and then head north to the New Hampshire Grants. Once there, they will enlist the Green Mountain Boys to carry out the actual attack. This plan makes use of a military force that already exists. It also allows Connecticut to distance itself from whatever political fallout will follow. The Americans have so far taken up arms only in self-defense. The expedition against the British forts entails an invasion of a neighboring colony (New York) and an attack on unoffending British troops.

Friday, April 28:

From Hartford, Governor Jonathan Trumbull writes Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage on behalf of Connecticut. He begins by complaining of the build-up of British military power in Boston and alleged British atrocities during the battle of Lexington and Concord: “It is feared… that we are devoted to destruction, and that you have it in command and intention to ravage and desolate the country. If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages been committed? Why is the town of Boston now shut up? And to what end are all the hostile preparations that are daily making, and why do we continually hear of fresh destinations of troops for this country? The people of this colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of taking arms against the troops of their sovereign, and dread nothing so much as the horrors of civil war; but, at the same time, we beg leave to assure your Excellency, that as they apprehended themselves justified by the principle of self-defense, so they are most firmly resolved to defend their rights and privileges to the last extremity.”

He then asks, “Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute submission, or the desolations of war? By that humanity which constitutes so amiable a part of your character, and for the honour of our Sovereign, and the glory of the British Empire, we entreat you to prevent it if possible. Surely, it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the Empire might even yet find expedients to restore peace, that so all parts of the Empire may enjoy their particular rights, honours, and immunities. Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be wished; and will it not be consistent with your duty to suspend the operations of war on your part, and enable us on ours to quiet the minds of the people, at least till the result of some further deliberations may be known?”

Meanwhile, Edward Mott rides into Hartford, bearing Saltonstall’s letter. He first encounters Christopher Leffingwell who asks him how he thought the people of Boston could be relieved. According to Mott, “I told him I knew not, except we went and took possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which I thought might be done by surprise, with a small number of men.” Encouraged by this response, Leffingwell brings Mott into the conspiracy, and has him meet Silas Deane and Samuel Parsons. According to Mott, “They told me they wished I had been there one day sooner; that they had been on such a plan, and that they had sent off Messrs. Noah Phelps and Bernard Romans.” Mott, who is to be a captain in Parson’s 6th Connecticut Regiment, is evidently trusted. When he offers to assist, they give him a letter to take to Phelps and Romans so that we may help “in conducting the affair and laying out the money.”

Saturday, April 29:

A reinforcement arrives at Fort Ticonderoga in the form of Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham and 10 men of the 26th Foot. According to Feltham, the fort’s commander, Captain William Delaplace, asked for assistance “in the course of the winter… as he had reason to suspect some attack from some circumstances that happened in his neighborhood.” Feltham's detachment is the second to reach the fort. Another was led to the fort some days earlier by William Dunbar, who is Town-Major for Quebec. Dunbar then set off to confer with Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston. He is now, however, a captive of the Americans, having run into their forces near Cambridge. The British in Canada and upstate New York are unaware that war has begun.

In Connecticut, a final meeting of conspirators takes place before Edward Mott sets off for the New Hampshire Grants. Among those present are persons from three different groups that have taken an interest in Ticonderoga: Samuel Parsons (who spoke about Ticonderoga with Benedict Arnold), Silas Deane (who appears to have independently developed the idea with Gurdon Saltonstall), and Samuel Adams and John Hancock (who appear to have gotten the idea from John Brown). [see Note 1]

Outside of Boston, Benedict Arnold’s company arrives at the American camp. Although he has marched without orders, his arrival is welcomed and the Massachusetts Committee of Safety orders that the commissary-general “provide suitable quarters” for his company.

The Massachusetts Committee of Safety also tallies up the meager number of cannon on hand. The colony can field a mere six 3-pounders that are in good condition and have ammunition. Seventeen other useless guns “will be taken out of the way.”

Sunday, April 30:

Arnold attends a meeting of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety -- most likely resplendent in the scarlet coat and buff facings worn by the Governor’s Foot Guard. Arnold asks to speak and reports “that there are at Ticonderoga eighty pieces of heavy cannon, twenty pieces brass cannon, from four to eighteen-pounders, and ten or twelve mortars; at Skenesborough, on the South Bay, three or four pieces of brass cannon; the fort [Ticonderoga], in a ruinous condition, is supposed to have about forty or forty-five men, a number of small arms, and considerable stores. A sloop of seventy or eighty tons [is] on the lake.” [cf. New York: May, 1775].

The news causes a stir, and the chairman, Joseph Warren, asks Arnold to submit a report in writing. Warren then writes the New York Committee of Safety: “It has been proposed to us to take possession of the fortress at Ticonderoga. We have a just sense of the importance of that fortification, and the usefulness of those fine cannon, mortars, and field-pieces which are there; but we would not, even upon this emergency, infringe upon the rights of our sister colony, New-York.”

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Note 1: Other persons alleged to have been at this meeting include Robert Treat Paine of Massachusetts, and Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.

Whether John Brown developed the idea to attack Ticonderoga on his own is an open question. Some writers have argued that the idea was suggested to him when he passed through the New Hampshire Grants in March.